It has been frequently asserted in national and international media that the imposition of emergency by General Musharraf has been unanimously opposed in Pakistan. While there have been unprecedented protests from diverse groups, the outrage is by no means as widespread as one would expect. Here are just some of the arguments that protestors hear from their friends and colleagues:
1) Why are you supporting corrupt judges? All the lawyers are politicized and doing this for their own publicity and power.
2) What are you trying to achieve? Do you want corrupt politicians like Benazir or Nawaz Sharif?
3) The media was overstepping its boundaries, and the judiciary also became too interventionist. So both were asking for a clampdown.
4) Musharraf has been a great leader. Yes, he is making mistakes, but he is still our best and only option.
5) Protests will just cause more instability.
6) Things will return to normal, so we should just wait and pray for the best.
These are overt and subtle ways in which the emergency is effectively legitimized by the Pakistani elite. In the following piece, I have attempted to articulate my own stance on the issue, and address some of these arguments.
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In February of this year, my ride home from work one evening was interrupted by a sizeable demonstration on Shahra-e-Faisal. The protest – as a radio channel informed me – was against the unlawful abduction and detention of "missing people" by our notorious agencies, and was being staged by hundreds of family members and activists who had traveled to Karachi from distant areas of Sindh. As I waited in my car for the demonstration to pass, I wondered: why is the tragedy of forced disappearances not sparking the outrage that it should? Why wasn't this protest widely publicized, and supported by the so-called civil society? And what was I doing about this? But of course this line of questioning never continues for long. I brushed off my guilt by resorting to the classic "what can I possibly do" and "there is no hope" cynicism, unconsciously told myself that I am working for important (and more convenient) causes like education and health so I do have some sense of social responsibility, put on some music, and eventually drove off.
I kept following the issue though. I had already been reading about disappearances regularly in Dawn and Herald since 2003. Even Amnesty International, The New York Times, and the Guardian had established how more than 500 Pakistanis had simply been abducted by our intelligence outfits with no case and no trace. That under the garb of the "war on terror", there was a systematic campaign to capture critics – not militants – but politics activists, students, poets, journalists, social workers, and academics belonging in particular to Sindh and Baluchistan. That instead of recognizing and addressing the exacerbated grievances of people under a neoliberal military-intelligence alliance, the state had decided to crush any expression of grievance with sheer inhuman violence. Some released detainees had harrowing tales of torture to tell. Even those who protested for the sake of their missing ones were humiliated and intimidated – recall the picture of the 17-year old son of a detainee whose shalwar was lowered by the police during a public protest in January this year, before being arrested.
One becomes conditioned to overlook the entire picture when reading about such atrocities on an everyday basis. And so I read about all this with a sense of real but remote "oh, it's just so sad" concern. Over the course of this year, however, I became more interested in the issue of missing people. This, unfortunately, was not due to any change in my own conscience, but because the issue itself had become more visible – thanks to the legal petitions that the tormented families as well as the HRCP had filed. And the judiciary was responding.
Our state institutions have become so inept, exploitative, and unjust that when an institution finally does its job, we think it has become too "independent" and "active." We conveniently forget that defending the constitution and fundamental rights is the core purpose of the judiciary around the world. And we fail to even acknowledge – let alone celebrate – the courage with which the expelled judges were withstanding the coercive pressures and bribes from various corners, in order to question long-standing injustices such as political persecution, shady privatizations, and illegal building practices. Which state institution has had the courage to tackle these issues? Most importantly, the judiciary was questioning the unconstitutional and outrageously criminal activities of our intelligence agencies, of which the plight of missing people is but one manifestation.
I will say it clearly: the renewed democratic spirit of the judiciary had been a source of relief for me. I, as a human being and as a citizen, did not have the time, interest, and decency to actually stand up for the sake of social and economic justice. But it was heartening to see that at least one state institution was working towards progressive change in this country. As the law of indifference goes, though, I only observed this process from a distance. And again, from a distance, I witnessed the lawyers' struggle to contest the high-handed manner in which the Chief Justice was removed. I, surely, did not have the time or the courage. Plus, with all the pomp of the Chief Justice's rallies, it was convenient not to take a stance. Indeed, why ever take a stance? It is so much easier to sit back, criticize, and be cynical. And to ease your conscience, tell yourself that your business is helping the poor, or that you do not-so-political charity work.
But now, with the emergency – with the wholesale slaughter of the judicial process and the violent suppression of civil society – I think it is simply imperative for me to take a stance. An informed stance.
Yes, of course, like all state institutions, the legal institutions are also ridden with misconduct and corruption. At many critical junctures, the judiciary itself has contributed to the undermining of the Constitution. But in recent years, it is only the judiciary that has had the courage to show that it has at least some sense of social and political responsibility. If it was so corrupt and power-hungry, why would it take up cases that challenge the elite and military-dominated status quo in the country? Following its own history, it would succumb to bribes and threats, and play along. But it didn't. And the missing people's case is the prime testimony to this courage.
The missing people's case also underlines something that is often ignored in analyses of the emergency: the suppression of activists, journalists, students, and academics is not something new and sudden. Yes, the scale is large, and for the first time, elite human rights activists and professors have also been arrested. But we must not forget that this has been a long-term trend, and that a systematic campaign to capture critics has been an appalling state policy for at least four years now. Newsline, Herald, HRCP, national newspapers as well as international media have repeatedly covered the brutalities of this policy. While media channels may have exploded in Pakistan, let's not forget that the South Asian Free Media Association named Pakistan the worst country in terms of the harassment of journalists in 2006. Hence, the current suppression of the media is also a stark manifestation of a continuing tendency.
Why are we so keen to assert that the media and judiciary have overstepped their bounds, but not recognize the extremism and interventionism of the military and the intelligence agencies? I will readily acknowledge that the media and judiciary have severe failings that need to be addressed. But how can we ignore that there is a fundamental asymmetry of power between a military-intelligence establishment on one hand and the media or the judiciary on the other? The Supreme Court and media can be massively irresponsible and corrupt, but they will never have the capacity to amass wealth and power, and terrorize citizens like the military-intelligence alliance that currently rules the country. Who will hold the latter accountable?
The military has become the biggest corporate entity and interest group in the country, and inserted itself in literally every economic, social and political institution including textbook boards, universities and highway authorities. All this has not been achieved "cleanly," but involved massive corruption, intimidation, and back-door deals. It is different from regular "fill up the bank account" looting since it involves the setting up and expansion of a huge empire that grabs land, monopolizes markets, and dominates political and social institutions. This extent of political and economic dominance will live on regardless of the fate of today's dictatorship. Amongst other devastating consequences, it has also severely affected the professionalism of the army – as argued by several analysts and retired military officers.
Repeated military rule in our country has not only stifled the process of democratization but also helped to promote religious extremism. Yes, Musharraf is no Zia, and as a person, may indeed be a secular guy believing in "enlightened moderation". But this is no justification for overlooking the critical role that both the military and intelligence agencies have played in creating and supporting Islamist militancy. Have we forgotten that it was in Musharraf's regime that a religious alliance was brought into power for the first time in Pakistan's history – and allowed to form a government in NWFP – while all secular-nationalist parties had been suppressed and even banned from rallying? And this was not a coincidence. The military-mullah alliance is not a myth – it is a long-standing relationship that became particularly strengthened in the Afghan War (1978-1989) when the ISI, Saudi Arabia, and the U.S. government directly trained and equipped thousands of Pakistanis (not just Afghanis) to become militant jihadis. The Pajero-driven, gun-toting mullah emerged during this period, and has continued to be patronized by agencies to fight our dirty wars in Afghanistan, Kashmir, as well as within Pakistan.
Since 2002, the formal establishment of a religious alliance in NWFP has paved the way for legitimizing a conservative and repressive Islam. NWFP may not have had a very liberal society, but the intimidation of barbers, tailors, X-ray assistants, CD sellers, female health workers, NGO activists, and administrators of girls' schools is a recent phenomenon that is directly linked to the support of religious elements by our military-intelligence establishment. JUI was never even on the political map till it got political legitimacy by the army. And it is the ISI's support of the Taliban and religious parties that has emboldened the likes of Sufi Muhammad and Fazlullah. We must ask: why is it that reporters associated with KTN, Sindh TV, and Intikhab have been abducted and tortured, while Fazlullah's FM radio was allowed to operate freely?
The biggest travesty is that Musharraf is using the self-perpetuated threat of religious militancy to justify his rule, claiming that he will be the force of stability. This is simply a contradiction in terms. Musharraf's rule has made us second only to Iraq in terms of bombing operations and suicide attacks; hence, he is not even able to hold his ground in his own terrain which is national security and defence. What more has to happen for us to recognize that Pakistan has been destabilized for a long time now, and that the unquestioned and unaccounted practices of the military and intelligence are hugely responsible? Some people say: ok, so the army and agencies created the Pakistani Taliban, and now that the fundamentalists are on the offensive, only the army can reign them in. Such an approach is even more misguided, as it will only worsen the oppressions of military rule. Further, years and years of breeding religious militancy and encouraging Islamist politics will not go away with bombing Waziristan and Swat. We need a long-term strategy involving rehabilitation, economic incentives, and political negotiation. Just like we are still struggling with Zia's Islamization, we will be fighting Musharraf's Islamization for a long time to come.
Because of the repressive tactics that the army routinely employs, military extremism and absolutism has remained publicly invisible to a large extent. Does this mean we ignore it? Supporters of Musharraf's regime argue that he gave us economic growth. Does this justify the militarization of state, economy, and society? Does this validate systematic oppression and violence? I couldn't bear the television coverage of the Lal Masjid episode, does this make the silencing of critique under PEMRA acceptable? I have personally experienced the gender biases and callousness of our courts; does this mean that the entire Supreme Court should be disposed off?
This is the time to make distinctions. We need to recognize that the current struggle is about protecting the Constitution, and about resisting the wholesale annihilation of the rule of law. It is not a personality contest between Musharraf, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. Protestors are not impulsive fools who love Benazir or Nawaz Sharif – they are as disillusioned with "democratic" regimes as anyone else. Does this mean that we should now give up all hope and respect for political process? Do we simply accept the kingdom of a military dictator? We want a ready-made, perfect leader to lead us, but are unwilling to allow her or him to emerge because we keep accepting rampant abuses of the political process. The lesser-of-the-two evils argument just does not work: a military dictator is not accountable to anyone, will entrench the interests of the army, and will eventually show his true colors. And political history around the world has shown that a military dictator claiming to bring in "democracy" is a contradiction in terms. A political party still needs to get re-elected, and a rule that says no leader can be Prime Minister twice will ensure that new leaders will come up. The political spectrum is not even as limited as we think it is. There are several regional parties, the Labor Party, and the Tehrik-e-Istaqlal which can promise to play a strong role in the future. But parties like the JUI and PML (Q) will only strengthen the forces of religious and military extremism.
Let's assume that all parties are corrupt. Let's think about how India had an emergency under Congress in the 70s, and a systematic genocide against Muslims under BJP. Let's remember how the U.S. under Bush is continuing to devastate Afghanistan and Iraq. Does this mean that the militaries in the two countries should take over for the sake of "stability?" Democracies do not work perfectly anywhere, yet they are the most common form of governance because they come the closest to ensuring both accountability and stability.
Ultimately, democracy is not about procedural elections, but about the substantive principles of liberation, egalitarianism, and justice. The democracies of the world have gotten to where they are because of citizens' engagement. Self-determination and democracy was not given on a platter by monarchs and colonizers – every victory was a result of protests, struggles, and social movements. Let's not simplistically equate any political party's reinstatement with a "transition to democracy." In our country, the transition was already happening thanks to the renewed strength of our Supreme Court. It is the continuing struggle to resist the emergency, restore the Constitution, and reinstate the Supreme Court that is the actual stuff of democracy – it's democracy in the making –and we need to support it in every way that we can. And if and when we succeed, the struggle by no means is over. Military dominance, political corruption, religious extremism, media sensationalism, and judicial negligence will not magically disappear. We, as citizens, need to constantly play our part in reforming the status quo and striving towards a better future for our country. That is everyone's responsibility, not just of judges, military officials and politicians.
As elites, consumed by our work and social lives, we have been too depoliticized and disconnected to care. We don't even follow the news regularly, and may not know how the judiciary was upholding several causes of social and economic justice. There have been hundreds of petitions of aggrieved citizens who requested the Supreme Court to hear their voices, or take suo moto action, because they had no other recourse. And the judiciary was listening. It might have been corrupt, brash and naïve, but it showed concern. And unlike the shameless legislature, executive, and most of the citizenry, the lawyers and judges who have been hounded for months are still bravely refusing to accept an elitist and military-dominated status quo. What power are they getting by risking their lives and the security of their families? Why, for once, can we not think about their struggle with the seriousness that it demands?
It's all too easy to disparage protesting students as well by saying that they are immature, trying to act cool and pseudo-revolutionary, or just joining the bandwagon. Why are we so bent on dismissing them instead of giving them credit? If students are protesting at an unprecedented scale, surely there must be something about the situation that is sparking this agitation? They are not protesting for party politics, nor simply because their own professors have been arrested. They are genuinely frustrated, and refuse to watch tyranny take root. Life and politics is messy and confusing, so they obviously do not have all the answers and are also uncertain about what the future will bring. Yet, despite tremendous fears in these times of repression, they have the integrity and courage to take a stance.
And like them, we all must take a stance. This is not the time to dilly-dally and say: "I don't support the emergency but the protests are not worthy enough a cause" and "I think the repression is inhuman but we have to see what choices we have as a nation." As Howard Zinn said in the People's History of the United States, it's where you put the "but" that makes unjust use of power and violence possible. One can instead say, "Musharraf did many good things for the country but a violently enforced military-mullah-intelligence alliance with no respect for rule of law and civil liberties is simply unacceptable."
One can criticize any stance. It is always convenient to sit back, observe, and be critical and cynical as if that makes us all intellectual. This is the surest way to escape ever standing up for anything, and masking one's own ignorance, and unwillingness to engage. But silence is a form of political action, and it has strong consequences especially in these severe times. By not standing up and vocalizing our discontent with this kind of draconian action, we are implicitly telling the regime (and all subsequent regimes) that it is ok for them to do whatever they please, and we will sit idle like innocent bystanders. Our fatalistic ("whatever will be will be"), over-critical ("I don't agree with anything"), and cynical ("this is such a crazy farce") postures are not only unfair to those who are willing to struggle and sacrifice, but they in effect help to sustain the status quo.
If we are scared of instability due to protests, and Musharraf's departure, we must ask ourselves: what is our definition of stability? Is rising military and religious extremism not enough? Is the decimation of the highest judicial institution not enough? Are over 5,000 indiscriminate and unlawful arrests not enough? What about the anti-terrorism and sedition cases against innocent people? Are the laws for court-marshalling citizens also acceptable, so the army-intelligence regime can simply press "delete" on citizens like it did on the Supreme Court? Is the "Musharraf is necessary" theory so unfalsifiable that no amount of violence and human rights abuse will move us into action? Do we believe in any values, and have we ever stood up for anything? Does it really have to be the intimidation or arrest of a loved one that shakes us out of our apathy?
If we don't have the courage to protest ourselves, we should at least not trivialize and ridicule the efforts of those who do. Better still, we should express our solidarity, lend support, and actively shape this defining historic moment. We always have a choice.
Saturday, November 17, 2007
Disconnected And Depoliticized In Pakistan: Elite Inaction In Emergency Times
GEO TV being shut down
(Courtesy The News)
"KARACHI: There are reports that the government of Pakistan is using its influence with a foreign country to get the Geo TV network closed down, as the Geo TV network refused to surrender to the will of the government. It should be noted that Geo news and its entire sister channels had been closed down across Pakistan after the imposition of emergency.
Earlier, the cable operators in Pakistan were forced to close all channels being operated by Geo Network and the Pakistani viewers were deprived of the great source of information. However, the Geo TV was on air from its Dubai office.
The latest developments are that the government of Pakistan has gone to the limit of seeking the closure of Geo News network across the globe through a country.
After this closure of Geo Network, the worldwide viewers would not be able to watch the great source of information worldwide. According to Geo TV network, it did not surrender to the will of the government and did not sign any paper of compliance with the government, for which it has been punished that its worldwide telecast is being gagged. On this occasion, Senior Geo News analyst Kamran Khan, Host of Capital Talk Hamid Mir, Dr Amir Liaquat Hussein, Geo News Senior analyst Nasir Beig Chughtai, Justice (rtd) Saeeduz Zaman Siddiqui, Senior defence analyst (Rtd) Talat Masud and British member of Parliament Mohammed Sarwar expressed their grief over this government step regarding closing down the Geo News network and condemned this fresh government attack on the media.It should be noted that nearly all the news channels of the country were taken off air, as soon as the emergency was announced in the country. PEMRA hammered out code of conduct for the media to follow and it was said only those channels would be allowed to operate if they fall in line with the government wishes. "
How many more voices will they silence? How many more people will they blindfold as they continue the carnage in the darkness that engulfs us?
People of this country, shed your cynicism, let go of this insidious apathy that has afflicted our very souls. We do not have much time..
The voice of Truth and Justice shall prevail..
In Complete Unity.
Friday, November 16, 2007
Police Brutality at Barkat Market, Lahore
A stark reminder of what this authoritarian government stands for. This is their democracy. This is their idea of justice. This is their 'enlightened moderation'. When, I ask, when will we finally see the light..?
The struggle shall continue..
In Complete Unity.
Protest in Karachi University
Holding a banner calling for the restoration of the constitution and the judiciary and lifting of curbs on the media, around 15 teachers led by Dr Riaz Ahmad took out a rally from the Arts lobby at 1pm and walked silently in the corridors and compounds of various departments up to the main Silver Jubilee gate of the university.
Upon reaching the gate, the protesters wearing black armbands chanted slogans against dictatorship and censorship, like 'Fauji Junta, Na Manzoor'.
A majority of them belonged to the Department of Social Sciences. Prominent among them were Dr Abdul Qadeer (Applied Physics), Hina Khan (General History) and Dr Zahoorul Hasan Babar (Philosophy).
A handful of students passing by in overcrowded buses joined in the protest but the others looked bewildered on seeing the teachers registering their protest.
Earlier, the United Teachers' Forum organised a lecture on 'Struggles against Draconian Laws' at the Audio-Visual Centre where M.B. Naqvi was the chief guest.
Mr Naqvi informed the audience about the gravity of the crises confronting the country at the moment and warned that its future was at stake if inaction remained their virtue.
Mr Ahmad urged students to debate ideas among themselves and hold peaceful protest on any issue which they felt strongly about.
A meeting of the protesting teachers and students interested in joining in their protest would be held on campus on Saturday. Footage of the event would be shown in the Audio-Visual Centre on Monday.
Hundreds rally in NY to support of Pakistani lawyers
NEW YORK ( NYLJ) Nov. 14, 2007 - About 700 lawyers rallied yesterday afternoon in front of state Supreme Court in Manhattan to show support for lawyers and judges in Pakistan battling for the restoration of the rule of law. Addressing the throng that poured down the courthouse steps and spilled onto the sidewalk, Barry Kamins, president of the New York City Bar Association, said the rally was called "to embolden" the Pakistani lawyers and judges who have been "physically manning barricades and trying to face down an entire army." Kathryn Madigan, president of the New York State Bar Association, also called for lawyers to speak "with one voice in defense of the rule of law" in Pakistan. And Catherine Christian, president of the New York County Lawyers' Association, said Pakistani lawyers "are showing the world what it means to be a lawyer - fighting for liberty and an independent legal system."
Teach-in in Karachi Lyceum
The activism continues, adding a new element – 'teach-ins'. Activist Naeem Sadiq and Sahar Shafaat (a political science professor based in the U.S., currently in Karachi) went to Lyceum Karachi today to give a lecture on the current situation in Pakistan. They spoke to about 30 A Levels students, focusing on the disparities in Pakistan, and what can be done about them. "The lecture made a very clear suggestion that students engage in peaceful protest as a way of resisting martial law."
Update on Abida Hussain
Elections under Emergency
New Caretaker Setup..
Some clarifications..
The LUMS Student Movement asserts that it appears that the article is based on sources which have either ingeniously or ingenuously misrepresented events. All that is clear that the facts of the matter have been completely twisted, as represented in the article. Muhtarma's Benazir Bhutto's invitation for a conference with representatives of the LUMS students movement was not at all brought to the LUMS campus by any US journalists. The invitation was, in fact, brought to our students through a PPP party worker who is related to one of the student protestors at LUMS. Furthermore, the meeting with Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto was not in fact canceled on any pretext such as the final exam of the students, nor did "LUMS students refuse to meet BB". That is a gross misrepresentation of the real facts. The meeting was actually called off by the PPP itself, as it could not be fitted into the schedule for Monday night. The reason that LUMS students gave for not being able to accept the invitation at a future date was that not having a coherent student leader structure, through which nominated representatives of the student body can hold meetings with individuals or groups on behalf of the rest of the student body, it was in fact not in the power of any participant to accept the Muhtarma's invitation on behalf of the student body. However, LUMS students certainly desire an opportunity to intellectually interact with a prominent political figure of Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto's stature and would be honoured if she would accept their invitation to visit LUMS and address the student body as a whole as a guest of the Law and Politics Society of LUMS, which has organised similar seminars in the past.
The purpose of our student movement is solely to rally around particular issues or principles and increase awareness of Pakistan's socio-political realities in the student community and society at large.
Non-partisan nature of LUMS Student Movement
In response to speculation about whether LUMS students have been mobilized for protest under Mr. Imran Khan's influence, we would say that our 'mobilization' has more to do with the educational environment of our university (for our curriculum concentrates on intensive analysis of Pakistan's socio-political and legal problems and their potential solutions), than the rallying call of any political leader. We applaud Tehreek-i Insaaf's consistent and uncompromising opposition to the imposition of emergency rule and destruction of judicial autonomy.However, Mr. Imran Khan's presence at a seminar in our university, at the time of emergency rule being imposed in our country, is little more than an interesting and dramatic coincidence. The media should not interpret this as a sign that LUMS student have been mobilized through the influence of Mr. Imran Khan's directives. LUMS students have independently and spontaneously mobilized themselves due to our negative reaction to the government's treatment of national intelligentsia, the legal community and the media. and their blatant manipulation and interference in a vital pillar of state - the judiciary. Furthermore, the LUMS student movement is a non-partisan civil society intiative aiming to make a unified stand against emergency rule together with youth across Pakistan, rather then affiliating themselves with any political party per se.
Imran Khan charged under Anti-Terror Laws
(Courtesy DAWN)
Lahore, Nov 15: Pakistan cricket legend Imran Khan was moved overnight to Kot Lakhpat jail, Lahore's biggest prison early Thursday after being charged under anti-terror laws, officials said. Lahore police chief Malik Mohammad Iqbal told AFP Imran Khan was charged late Wednesday and moved overnight to Kot Lakhpat jail.
4000 Punjab University Students Protest
(Courtesy DAWN)
Lahore, Thursday: About 4,000 students rallied at Lahore’s Punjab University Thursday, a day after Imran Khan was seized there by Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT) activists and turned over to police Wednesday. The flag-waving protesters chanted “We love you Imran Khan” and shouted slogans against the IJT - the student wing of the Jamaat-i-Islami party. “Our protest is against the high handedness of IJT and the police. We have gathered to express solidarity with Imran Khan, he is our national hero,” demonstrator Sarida Asghar told AFP.
Eyewitness account of Aabpara, Islamabad Protest
Another Sad Day for Pakistan - 2 boys killed..
KARACHI (Reuters) - Two Pakistani boys were killed on Thursday when police and gunmen exchanged fire in Karachi during protests by supporters of opposition leader Benazir Bhutto, police said."Two children have been killed in firing by unidentified men in the Lyari area," said senior city police official Fayyaz Khan, referring to an impoverished city neighborhood well known as a Bhutto stronghold. The firing occurred as police chased small groups of young men protesting over President Pervez Musharraf's imposition of a state of emergency on November 3, he said.
Rashid Rehman visits LUMS
Some Clarifications..
With regard to the article "LUMS students refuse to meet BB", whichappeared in the News International's Tuesday, November 13th edition.
The LUMS Student Movement asserts that it appears that the article isbased on sources which have either ingeniously or ingenuouslymisrepresented events. All that is clear that the facts of the matterhave been completely twisted, as represented in the article. Muhtarma's Benazir Bhutto's invitation for a conference withrepresentatives of the LUMS students movement was not at all broughtto the LUMS campus by any US journalists. In fact, no US journalisthas even visited the campus in recent memory. The invitation was, in fact, brought to our students through a PPP party worker who isrelated to one of the student protestors at LUMS. Furthermore, themeeting with Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto was not in fact canceled on anypretext such as the final exam of the students, nor did "LUMS students refuse to meet BB". That is a gross misrepresentation of the realfacts. The meeting was actually called off by the PPP itself, as itcould not be fitted into the schedule for Monday night. The reasonthat LUMS students gave for not being able to accept the invitation at a future date was that not having a student leader structure, throughwhich nominated representatives of the student body can hold meetingswith individuals or groups on behalf of the rest of the student body,it was in fact not in the power of any participant to accept theMuhtarma's invitation on behalf of the student body. However, LUMSstudents certainly desire an opportunity to interact with a prominentpolitical figure of Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto's stature and would be honoured if she would accept their invitation to visit LUMS andaddress the student body as a whole as a guest of the Law and PoliticsSociety of LUMS, which has organised similar seminars in the past.
Press Release of the LUMS Student movement
As our movement gains in strength, support, momentum and therefore,media attention, the students of the protest movement at the Lahore University of Management Sciences would like to clarify our position on a number of points.
Our movement is fundamentally a non-partisan, civil society movement which was begun by students last week as a spontaneous reaction against the imposition of a state of emergency in our country. We are united in a clear and principled commitment to the reinstatement ofthe judiciary and the restoration of the Constitution and of basic civil rights, the release of illegally detained prisoners and an end to preposterous curbs on the media. Our aim is to uphold and defend the autonomy of the judiciary in Pakistan. As we increase communication with students from other educational institutions in thecountry, we are confident and hopeful that we can all unite behind a particular principle - the critical necessity of the sovereignty of the judiciary for sustainable political and social development in Pakistan.
With regard to recent invitations to meetings with prominent political figures, we would like to assert that our student movement is a civils ociety initiative which is completely non-partisan, having no affiliation with any political party and no future ambition of forming one. Nor have our actions in any way been in accordance with the directives or motivation of any political leader. The participants of our studentmovement are all private individuals, with a diverse range of personal political leanings. As we have no student leaders who are invested with the right of representing the political leanings of a particular group of students, it is not within the power of any participant of our movement to accept an invitation to meet with representatives of political parties on behalf of other students.
We would like to stress that anyone from the student movement who engages in a 'dialogue' or interaction with political parties, their agents or their student wings, does so solely in her/his personal capacity and does not, by any means, represent the student body of LUMS or the student community at large.
The purpose of our student movement is solely to rally around particular issues or principles and increase awareness of Pakistan's socio-political realities in the student body. However, as university students, we are always very eager to widen our horizons and meet with different political figures. Our Law and Politics Society (LPS) frequently invites eminent personalities of politics, academia, the social sector and the media, and arranges seminars as an opportunity for the student body to intellectually engage with these individuals and benefit from their knowledge and experience. In the recent past,we have hosted such prominent figures as Mr. Talat Hussein (of Aaj TV), Mr. Imran Khan and Justice Jawad Khwaja. In the coming months before the elections, the Law and Politics Society plans to invite leading figures from major political parties to talk to our student body about their manifestos and ideas for Pakistan's development. Some politicians, such as Mr. Imran Khan, with whom we have had the opportunity to interact, have already been invited for a seminar prior to the elections.
As far as the recent invitation by Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto is concerned, while it is not within the power of any individual or group of students to accept the invitation on behalf of the student movement, it would be a pleasure for our Law and Politics Society to host the Muhtarma as a guest speaker at a seminar with the entire student body, should our invitation be accepted.
With regard to the comment from Mr. Muhammad Islam of the Islami Jamiat-e Tuleba:-"Muhammad Islam said IJT would launch a massive awareness campaignamong students to mobilize them against the state of emergency in thecountry. He informed that the Islami Jamiat-e Tuleba was in contactwith students of other universities including LUMS and FAST-NU."(Students invoke black, week, armbands to protest. Khalid Khattak, The News International)
We would like to clarify that there have been no dealings between the student movement at our university and the Islami Jamiat-e Tuleba in an official capacity. We cannot, of course, comment on the activities of any private individual from our university, who has engaged withthe IJT in a purely personal capacity.
Thursday, November 15, 2007
Protest today at NCA
Today a peaceful protest demonstration was held in the National College of Arts organized by the student body of the campus. Around 150 students participated in this peaceful protest. They were holding placards and banners on which different anti-martial law slogans were written, condemning the arrest of the students, lawyers, Human Rights activists and all others arrested after the proclamation of martial law (Emergency).
A large section of the faculty members were present in this protest, side by side with the protesting students. Differents speakers gave their speeches including the faculty members. They condemned the imposition of Martial law, suspention and house arrests of the senior judiciary, suspension of our basic rights, arrest of civil society members, lawyers, human rights activists, including Salima Hashmi, our ex-principal, and demanded that free and fair elections under an impartial election commission should be held as soon as possible and the restoration of 1973 Constitution.
This protest continued for 1 hour. It was the first protest held in the NCA after the proclamation of emergency even though we had been active since the first day and had been discussing this matter on a daily basis. We have decided to organize such protest meetings daily.In the end, I would like to convey a message from the student society of the NCA to all the active student community members, especially those from LUMS, that we are with you, we should unite together and raise our voice till the restoration of democracy and Basic rights in
Student Mobilization Against The Emergency
Students are often the vanguard of social movements that seek to overthrow repressive and authoritarian regimes. In the current crisis in Pakistan—the imposition of Emergency rule (read Martial Law) by General Pervez Musharraf—students across a number of campuses have awakened, organized, rallied, and have made their opposition felt.. Although a nascent movement, the students’ systematic and consistent efforts and the level of domestic and international press coverage they have received have made both the military junta and other mainstream opposition parties sit up and take note.
The mainstay of the student political activity has been at a number of private universities located in Lahore and Islamabad. At the forefront has been Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), the premiere business and social science institution in the country. Other centers have been FAST-National University of Computer and Emerging Sciences, Beaconhouse National University, Islamia College and Hamdard University. Student political activity has also been mobilized in a number of public sector universities including Quaid-I-Azam University in Islamabad, Punjab University and the Government Science College. Most of the political activity has been campus based and has consisted of rallies denouncing Emergency rule and demanding the restoration of the constitution and pre-November 3rd status quo vis-à-vis the judiciary. Rallies have been accompanied by speeches of student, faculty and key activists; resounding singsongs; sit-ins; hunger strikes; as well as the establishment of an underground paper, The Emergency Times (http://pakistanmartiallaw.blogspot.com/). Students have come out in support of lawyers and journalists and have joined independent rallies held by these groups. Most spectacular, and perhaps not unexpectedly in this media and technological savvy age, has been the international coverage these student protests have received. A combination of YouTube, e-news, digital cameras and the internet have allowed the news of student activities to gain international attention (coverage in CNN, ABC, New York Times etc.) despite all attempts by the government to clamp down.
These student protests have hit the political nerve of the establishment. Political activities on campuses have been non-existent since the early 1980s, when the last military dictator who ruled Pakistan, Zia-ul-Haq clamped down on campuses. Nothing compares to the student mobilization during the General Ayub’s period in the 1960s when the movement contributed directly to the downfall of that military regime. A lot is made of who these students are and what they represent. The fact is that the core of these protests is happening at private universities which are attended by the upper middle and middle class of Pakistan. Students at these institutions are linked with the establishment and other elements of the elite. What does this mobilization indicate? Is this a generational rebellion against authoritarian figures or a more fundamental reflection of the malaise that permeates among this group regarding the current political status quo? As a Dawn editorial on the 11/11/2007 noted these “Poster-children of Pervez Musharraf’s enlightened moderation…were least expected to speak up against his policies”. Interestingly, the students are not fighting General Musharraf’s policies per se. Leading up the Emergency, there has been little if any debate among students on the war on terror, the policy in Baluchistan or the detention of individuals by security agencies. What has mobilized the students is the dismantling of the basic institutions of the state.
Yet these are the very young people who have most benefited from the rapid consumerism and the leniency of cultural norms that have blossomed under the Musharraf era. The opportunities to rebel against authoritarian structures are constant, and the judicial activism earlier this year provided an impetus which few students took up. The current protests suggest that this time Pervez Musharraf has gone too far and these protests reflect a genuine anger at his political manipulations and the establishment of the Emergency.
Projections in the international media of young men and women dressed in western clothes marching together and carrying banners have had another affect on international perceptions. In effect, it has allowed the middle and upper middle classes to claim back space from the images that otherwise permeate the international media of the “Talibization” of Pakistan-- the bearded mullahs and the habitually covered women who walk ten steps behind and have no voice of any kind. It suggests that there are other political actors who are in the Pakistani mainstream—young men and women who are articulate, passionate and concerned about the de-institutionalization of their political and economic institutions and are willing to stand up to the systematic usurpation of political and economic power by the military. Moreover, at a time when human right activists, lawyers, educators and other members of civil society actors are being rounded up and arrested, the burgeoning student movement gives hope that this group can form the bulwark of the opposition against the Musharraf regime.
How viable is this? It is too early to tell. Only nine days have passed since the Emergency was declared and within that time these students have managed to achieve a phenomenal amount, specially if you consider the non-existent political organization on these campuses prior too 3/11/2007. Students have kept to a limited remit, protesting on campuses, in order to ensure that they are around to protest another day. Rules that limited the state’s access to private campuses prior to the Emergency no longer apply under the police state that currently exists. There is little guarantee that the violence extended to other opposition members of civil society will not be vented on these students within their own campuses. There are issues of organizational structure and sustainability. Should protesting students, who for the most part have been non-political, align themselves to existing mainstream parties to take advantage of their organizational depth and experience? Should these students take positions regarding the existing opposition parties? How strong is their organizational capacity to sustain long-term protest? Is there a need for a supra-student structure to manage this country-wide protest? These issues are only beginning to challenge these inexperienced political protesters and decisions on these issues will determine their long term viability and their ability to sustain opposition. For now, those who watch salute their actions and have faith that the best of this country’s human capital will meet these challenges with intelligence, sound strategy and bravery to ensure a sustained assault again the Emergency.
Protest today at NCA
Today a peaceful protest demonstration was held in the National College of Arts organized by the student body of the campus. Around 150 students participated in this peaceful protest. They were holding placards and banners on which different anti-martial law slogans were written, condemning the arrest of the students, lawyers, Human Rights activists and all others arrested after the proclamation of martial law (Emergency).
A large section of the faculty members were present in this protest, side by side with the protesting students. Differents speakers gave their speeches including the faculty members. They condemned the imposition of Martial law, suspention and house arrests of the senior judiciary, suspension of our basic rights, arrest of civil society members, lawyers, human rights activists, including Salima Hashmi, our ex-principal, and demanded that free and fair elections under an impartial election commission should be held as soon as possible and the restoration of 1973 Constitution.
This protest continued for 1 hour. It was the first protest held in the NCA after the proclamation of emergency even though we had been active since the first day and had been discussing this matter on a daily basis. We have decided to organize such protest meetings daily.
In the end, I would like to convey a message from the student society of the NCA to all the active student community members, especially those from LUMS, that we are with you, we should unite together and raise our voice till the restoration of democracy and Basic rights in Pakistan is complete.
Student Mobilization Against The Emergency
Students are often the vanguard of social movements that seek to overthrow repressive and authoritarian regimes. In the current crisis in Pakistan—the imposition of Emergency rule (read Martial Law) by General Pervez Musharraf—students across a number of campuses have awakened, organized, rallied, and have made their opposition felt.. Although a nascent movement, the students’ systematic and consistent efforts and the level of domestic and international press coverage they have received have made both the military junta and other mainstream opposition parties sit up and take note.
The mainstay of the student political activity has been at a number of private universities located in Lahore and Islamabad. At the forefront has been Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), the premiere business and social science institution in the country. Other centers have been FAST-National University of Computer and Emerging Sciences, Beaconhouse National University, Islamia College and Hamdard University. Student political activity has also been mobilized in a number of public sector universities including Quaid-I-Azam University in Islamabad, Punjab University and the Government Science College. Most of the political activity has been campus based and has consisted of rallies denouncing Emergency rule and demanding the restoration of the constitution and pre-November 3rd status quo vis-à-vis the judiciary. Rallies have been accompanied by speeches of student, faculty and key activists; resounding singsongs; sit-ins; hunger strikes; as well as the establishment of an underground paper, The Emergency Times (http://pakistanmartiallaw.blogspot.com/). Students have come out in support of lawyers and journalists and have joined independent rallies held by these groups. Most spectacular, and perhaps not unexpectedly in this media and technological savvy age, has been the international coverage these student protests have received. A combination of YouTube, e-news, digital cameras and the internet have allowed the news of student activities to gain international attention (coverage in CNN, ABC, New York Times etc.) despite all attempts by the government to clamp down.
These student protests have hit the political nerve of the establishment. Political activities on campuses have been non-existent since the early 1980s, when the last military dictator who ruled Pakistan, Zia-ul-Haq clamped down on campuses. Nothing compares to the student mobilization during the General Ayub’s period in the 1960s when the movement contributed directly to the downfall of that military regime. A lot is made of who these students are and what they represent. The fact is that the core of these protests is happening at private universities which are attended by the upper middle and middle class of Pakistan. Students at these institutions are linked with the establishment and other elements of the elite. What does this mobilization indicate? Is this a generational rebellion against authoritarian figures or a more fundamental reflection of the malaise that permeates among this group regarding the current political status quo? As a Dawn editorial on the 11/11/2007 noted these “Poster-children of Pervez Musharraf’s enlightened moderation…were least expected to speak up against his policies”. Interestingly, the students are not fighting General Musharraf’s policies per se. Leading up the Emergency, there has been little if any debate among students on the war on terror, the policy in Baluchistan or the detention of individuals by security agencies. What has mobilized the students is the dismantling of the basic institutions of the state.
Yet these are the very young people who have most benefited from the rapid consumerism and the leniency of cultural norms that have blossomed under the Musharraf era. The opportunities to rebel against authoritarian structures are constant, and the judicial activism earlier this year provided an impetus which few students took up. The current protests suggest that this time Pervez Musharraf has gone too far and these protests reflect a genuine anger at his political manipulations and the establishment of the Emergency.
Projections in the international media of young men and women dressed in western clothes marching together and carrying banners have had another affect on international perceptions. In effect, it has allowed the middle and upper middle classes to claim back space from the images that otherwise permeate the international media of the “Talibization” of Pakistan-- the bearded mullahs and the habitually covered women who walk ten steps behind and have no voice of any kind. It suggests that there are other political actors who are in the Pakistani mainstream—young men and women who are articulate, passionate and concerned about the de-institutionalization of their political and economic institutions and are willing to stand up to the systematic usurpation of political and economic power by the military. Moreover, at a time when human right activists, lawyers, educators and other members of civil society actors are being rounded up and arrested, the burgeoning student movement gives hope that this group can form the bulwark of the opposition against the Musharraf regime.
How viable is this? It is too early to tell. Only nine days have passed since the Emergency was declared and within that time these students have managed to achieve a phenomenal amount, specially if you consider the non-existent political organization on these campuses prior too 3/11/2007. Students have kept to a limited remit, protesting on campuses, in order to ensure that they are around to protest another day. Rules that limited the state’s access to private campuses prior to the Emergency no longer apply under the police state that currently exists. There is little guarantee that the violence extended to other opposition members of civil society will not be vented on these students within their own campuses. There are issues of organizational structure and sustainability. Should protesting students, who for the most part have been non-political, align themselves to existing mainstream parties to take advantage of their organizational depth and experience? Should these students take positions regarding the existing opposition parties? How strong is their organizational capacity to sustain long-term protest? Is there a need for a supra-student structure to manage this country-wide protest? These issues are only beginning to challenge these inexperienced political protesters and decisions on these issues will determine their long term viability and their ability to sustain opposition. For now, those who watch salute their actions and have faith that the best of this country’s human capital will meet these challenges with intelligence, sound strategy and bravery to ensure a sustained assault again the Emergency.
LUMS Students Condemn the Actions of the IJT in Punjab University
Student Protesters in LUMS are disturbed to see the turn of events at the Punjab University today. We do not think that the way some peopleat the campus behaved is worthy of educated university students. Violence of any form in student movements is abhorrent and students all over the country should unite to protest emergency rule in a peaceful manner. If students use violence against security forces, public property and rival organisations, what difference remains between their conduct and the violent and uncivilized manner in which police forces are quelling protesters? A non-violent, civilized code of conduct should apply to all students, protesting anywhere in the country, even those groups of students who espouse particular political ideals or form student wings of specific political parties. In this respect, we condemn the violent actions of the Islami Jamiat-e-Tuleba today and appeal to their members and all other students in Pakistan to avoid resorting to uncivilised conduct, such as using brute force to intimidate perceived rivals and burning tires, smashing windows or damaging public property. Students should express their opinions and conduct their dealings in more humane, peaceful ways. Members of the LUMS Student Movement condemn the unwarranted and illegal arrest of Mr. Imran Khan and express disappointment at the role the IJT has played in it.
Message from Asma Jahangir
I am really proud of our youth especially students of LUMS who have been active while we are kept in illegal captivity. Please let them know that I am with them. I can not help them in person. If they need any contact emails let me know.
Regards.
Asma Jahangir
Wednesday, November 14, 2007
Politicians vs. Military Dictators
It isn’t entirely surprising that people in Pakistan should be questioning the role and the utility of politicians in the governance process. Their record has been sullied, to say the least, for except for Bhutto Senior’s 7 years, they have presided over Pakistan during its most unstable times – 1947-58 and 1988-99. Beyond the memory of these ineffective periods of rule, however, this argument against politicians is entirely superficial, stands on extremely shaky ground, and is the trademark of those who find thinking an extremely arduous and unnecessary task. Here’s why.
First, I would be more than willing to give this argument some tiny measure of credit, were it not for the answer to some simple questions: who does Musharraf have with him? Who is sitting in his puppet Parliament? Who forms the crux of his support in the PML-Q? The simple answer – politicians. If Musharraf were governing alone, as a one-man legislature (not to say he does not come dangerously close to looking like that at most times, given that so much of the Parliament’s work has happened through ordinances in the last 8 years), one may be able to adopt a “general vs. politician” stance. But given that he entrenched himself and his authority through the creation of a “king’s party”, the PML-Q (made up of politicians), and is the President with a Prime Minister and a full Parliament, it is entirely unintelligent to argue that we are at present living without politicians. Therefore, if your worry, at any level, regards what it would mean to have to deal with politicians once again should elections be held or a democratic process initiated, you shouldn’t be too worried because you have been dealing with them since the 2002 election. In fact, you have been dealing with the worst of them – a type of politician who saw it only right to change political parties to maintain personal power, and who saw no issues in selling his/her soul to the devil for a shot at a good ministerial position. Current politicians of the PML-Q abandoned their parties and their principles by the dozens and were in turn rewarded by Musharraf, our one great hope for the cleaning up of politics in this country, through the creation of what is apparently the largest cabinet in the world. It makes sense. If there are so many politicians cutting deals, you might as well have as many ministerial positions as possible to use as awards. So if it’s politicians you are worried about, they have been with us, alive and thriving, for the last 5 years.
Second, and as Musharraf has obviously realised, what would you do without politicians? It is entirely easy to dismiss politicians as an unnecessary complication in the process of governance. But really, how does governance happen without them? By saying that we are unwilling to return to the era of politicians, are we saying that we have in mind a form of governance that does not require the popular, political mandate, that has no need for a parliament (for parliament is, by definition, made up of politicians), and whose entire legislative process (for the politically naive, the process of coming up with laws for the country) is based around one man? We might as well go on then to argue that we should introduce to the world an alternate governance process in which each new Chief of Army Staff automatically becomes the legislature until death do us part. We should also clarify that we feel no real reason to ever have to waste time in ascertaining popular will, and that we have no particular need for being counted in the process of governing a country. We might as well argue for the restoration of a monarchy, or better still, a much closer memory, for a return to colonial rule, under which no one had to bother with trying to determine the difference between a citizen and a subject. This isn’t a far-fetched notion in any sense of the word, for as long as one talks of independence, a constitution and a Parliament, one has to talk of politicians.
This brings us to the third point. Our major worry about politicians is essentially with respect to two particular politicians – Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. Therefore, our vision of governance in Pakistan is that of a boxing ring, in one corner of which stands Musharraf, and in the other stand Bhutto and Sharif, sometimes holding hands, at other times pushing each other around, and at yet others simply tossing each other over the ropes. Our job as spectators is to choose one side over the other, without ever bothering with the dimensions and construction of the ring, or even with the rules of the game. Our worry is simply the personalities and not the processes that define the parameters of the game. That is why we are able to say which personality/politician/ruler we prefer over another, without sparing a minute to place those people within any framework defined by an ideology, or even a larger process.
The point is simple. If Bhutto or Sharif come to power within a system that has changed little since the last time they were in power, our condemnation for that system need be only slightly less severe than it is for martial law. This is because the system would still be defined by instability, by the need of politicians to dance to the tunes of the army, and by imperatives that require that everyone except the voting populace be kept happy at all costs. Under such a system, our greatest worry would continue to be the army and its complete control over our lives. This debate, therefore, has little to do with personalities or with whether we prefer politicians over military rulers, and has everything to do with the process and form of governance we want to live under as independent, self-respecting citizens of Pakistan.
Students at LUMS continue protest..
Lahore, 13.11.2007: Undaunted by exam week, the students of LUMS held a candle light vigil and a hunger strike Tuesday as part of Black Week at the university in protest against the excesses committed by the government in the past week and a half in the name of emergency law.The hunger strike lasted for four hours, with about fifty students gathered outside the Pepsi Dining Centre with their books and notes.Later in the evening, more than 80 students gathered for a candlelight vigil in the lane between the cafeteria and the academic block(this lane is soon to be renamed Justice Lane in a formal ceremony).The entire area was illuminated by softly glowing candles, which spelt out demands to reinstate the Judiciary and free the media in the country. The students gathered around the candles in a circle as speeches were made to protest the current injustice and call upon students all over the nation to unite and persevere in their struggleagainst emergency rule. The speakers expressed solidarity with all the students protesting in different parts of the country, especially withthe students in Islamabad who were beaten and arrested by the police on 12th November. A fund was also set up in order to finance the protest campaign and the students were seen contributing generously towards it. The ceremony concluded with a joint prayer for peace,prosperity and justice in Pakistan.
Imran Khan beaten up and arrested..
Courtesy Dawn
Imran Khan Defiant in arrest
LAHORE, Pakistan, Nov 14 (AFP) Former Pakistan cricketer and chief of Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf Imran Khan told AFP from police custody he was trying to start a student movement against emergency rule when he was arrested on Wednesday after more than a week in hiding. “I came to the university to lead a rally of students against the dictator Musharraf and his illegal actions,” Khan said. “I would have presented myself for arrest in full public view but my goal was to set in motion a student movement.” Khan spoke to AFP by telephone shortly after he was detained while trying to lead a rally at Lahore’s Punjab University. He said he was betrayed by a group of students. “The majority of the students were with me there but a group of them from Islami-Jamiat-Tuliba collaborated with the administration and police,” Khan said. “They took me into the office and then forced me out into a van. They did not allow me to be arrested publicly.” He added: “I have achieved my purpose. I have started the student movement, I have set the tone for it.” Police earlier confirmed they had arrested Khan and would place him back under house arrest, which he slipped out from more than a week ago.
Lahore heats up..
IPS REPORTS ON PAKISTAN: Scroll down for my report filed to IPS todayabout Musharraf under pressure (unedited), up on www.ipsnews.netsoon (Includes KU vigil info). Two very timely stories on Pakistanthat mine intersects with -the implications of yesterday's Commonwealth statement:
PAKISTAN:Join the Army, Stage a Coup, Retire as President -http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=40026
POLITICS: Gagged at Home, Pakistanis Take to Cyberspace (by AbidAslam) - http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=40035The Pakistan Trouble link at IPS www.ipsnews.net has several others.
Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry awarded Harvard 'Medal of Freedom'
Following last week's military crackdown in Pakistan and the detention of hundreds of lawyers, the Harvard Law School Association has decided to award Pakistani Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry its highest honor: The Harvard Law School Medal of Freedom. Chaudhry was detained after he convened the Pakistani Supreme Court to declare the current state of emergency imposed by General Pervez Musharraf to be null and void.Although Chaudhry has been placed under house arrest and is not free to leave Pakistan, Dean Elena Kagan has reached out to the chief justice regarding the award and hopes that he'll be able to come to the Law School to receive it when the state of emergency is lifted."As lawyers who value freedom and the rule of law, we at Harvard Law School want Chief Justice Chaudhry and all of the courageous lawyers in Pakistan to know that we stand with them in solidarity," said Kagan. "We are proud to be their colleagues in the cause of justice, and we will do all we can to press for the prompt restoration of constitutionalism and legality in Pakistan."
Vigil at Karachi University
The first Karachi University vigil against imprisonment of thousands of people against emergency was held on Nov 13 at 1pm outside Audio Visual Centre, KU. 23 teachers and students participated.We were wearing black arm-bands and held a banner that read 'Restore Constitution, Judiciary and Human Rights'. A number of Rangers were deployed by the administration around the place of demonstration and they blocked the path leading to the main road. The vigil was organised by United Teachers Forum. After the vigil teachers and students gathered at a teachers office and discussed ways to bring more people to the demonstrations to be held in near future. Some five students then came to the meeting and asked for teachers help in organizing the students, this was highly welcomed by all the present. Some teachers offered the students to come to their classes and speak to the students about the need to act against military rule. As usual the protest demos by LUMS students came into the discussion several times. United Teachers Forum has announced to organise a lecture by senior journalist and highly respected peace and pro-democracy intellectual Mr M B Naqvi on Thursday November 15 at 11:30 am at the Arts Auditorium, his topic will be Popular Struggles against Draconian Laws (with emphasis on media freedom). UTF welcomes all teachers, students and pro-academics to attend the seminar. for entry details contact Dr Riaz Ahmed, Applied Chemistry, Karachi University at 0322-2990708 riaz ahmed
ps: other dates to remember:
1. Nov 14 Wed 10am-4pm Kar Press Club journalists hunger strike, visit the strike camp and express your solidarity
2. Nov 15 Thurs 3pm Kar Press Club public meeting on Emergency, all welcome
3. Nov 20 Tues 3pm Kar Press Club, rally by journalists. All organised by Pak Fed Union of Journalists
Tuesday, November 13, 2007
Pictures and account of yesterday's Islamabad protest
From the Editors..
It is imperative that we feel the plight of thousands upon thousands of innocent fellow Pakistanis languishing in overflowing jails right now for no apparent reason other than exercising their basic human rights. Many of them are being tortured into painful submission. We must express solidarity with them and do our utmost to raise our voice against the atrocities being committed by the paragons of oppression. This nation has produced more heroes in the past one week than it has done in decades. We stand by them in these dark times.
In Complete Unity.
Rise of a new Youth Movement
The sudden rise of the social movement rejects the conventional analysis that the youth is depoliticised and mainly interested in advancing their careers What we are witnessing in Pakistan these days is a new social movement that is remarkably different from the ones launched against dictators in the past. It is not being driven as much by the old-fashioned, deal-making power elites as it is by strong popular sentiment among the Pakistani youth inside and outside the country. What is this popular sentiment, and why are the Pakistani youth at the centre of it? What explains the rise of this new social movement? What are its aims, and its chances of success? It is heartening that while the power-elites were still debating how the imposition of martial law in the country would hurt them or create fresh opportunities of cooptation, college and university students along with young media and legal professionals instantly realised the enormity of the act of trashing the constitution and throwing the vast majority of judges of the superior judiciary out of the system.It is perhaps for the first time in the political history of the country that legal and constitutional issues, hitherto a domain of the expert, have entered into the popular imagination with a powerful reminder that what happens in the superior judiciary is a matter of public concern. The unfolding of political events since March and the manner in which the media presented and debated the question of independence of the judiciary on the one hand, and the efforts of the executive to subvert it, brought into sharp relief the value of rule of law, dissent and the larger question of representation in the structures of power.The judicial crisis and the lawyers’ movement captured the attention of all sections of society. But more than any other, the youth became interested in the identity of their state — who controls and runs it and for what purposes — and learnt their first lesson in politics. The lesson was that one or few individuals associated with powerful formal institutions and informal social structures have absolute control over the state and do not care about public interests.In the past, ruling elites got away with acts of corruption, martial laws and emergencies because they could easily manage and control society through a co-opted intermediating class comprising landowners, caste and tribal chiefs and other socially influential figures with an inherent stake in the elitist power structure, often directed and manipulated by the men in uniform. Their recent moves against the constitution and the judiciary are based on the old assumptions about society. Their reading of the changes that have occurred on a global, regional and domestic level does not seem realistic.Demographically, the youth constitutes the largest part of Pakistan’s population. Some of them are enrolled in various modern educational institutions, while others in madrassas. A major portion of the youth, however, remains uneducated and unemployed. Despite belonging to different social strata, they share disrespect for Pakistani power structures and systems of governance. They also have a common vision of a state that is representative and responsive to the needs of society, something elite-dominated or military-ruled states are not. Not all sections of the Pakistani youth possess the same social capacities, political vision or leadership qualities because of their different social backgrounds and degree of exposure to the modern world. College and university graduates have assumed the vanguard role in the emerging social movement of Pakistan. This is a very different generation from the one that had participated in the anti-Ayub agitation. It is distinctive in intellectual development and skills, and is technology savvy. It is wired with the international civil society and likeminded groups everywhere, and can access real time information about events. The most important thing about the rise of the new social movement is that the young Pakistanis have acquired political socialisation in a globalised context with deeper knowledge and understanding of positive changes taking place in other countries, and how their own country is being governed. This generation opened its eyes in the martial law of Zia-ul Haq and has matured in the double martial law of Pervez Musharraf. They are justified in being dismayed and discontented over how their nation and statehood have been repeatedly violated by rapacious military and civil elites.The sudden rise of the social movement rejects the conventional analysis that the youth is depoliticised and mainly interested in advancing their careers. A movement starting in an elite institution like LUMS tells a very different story about this student body, both in private and public universities, that has been organising protest meetings, rallies and demonstrations since the proclamation of emergency rule. They are more interested in the future of their country: how it is ruled, by whom and for what purposes.They have a very different sense of patriotism as they want the country to be civilised, respected internationally and governed under universal norms of law and justice. Let there be no mistake about the new social movement: it is not about resuming political musical chairs with the usual actor or actors turning on and off the tune. This movement, though in its early stages, is essentially about structural change: it demands the restoration of the constitution and the judiciary, the twin victims of the current martial law. It is also about freedoms, rule of law and basic human decency — values at the heart of modern civilisation that the ruling cliques have violated at will.We can’t leave this discussion without asking the question: will it succeed? Given political developments over the past forty years, the old system of power is so unnatural, humiliating, and even unpatriotic that it cannot survive for too long. There is national revolt against it, to which the youth, more than any other sector, is contributing to with an unusual motivation and commitment.This is not likely to end even if the presently dysfunctional regime of General Musharraf takes immediate remedial actions, like holding elections or lifting the state of emergency. The focus of the struggle is the constitution and an independent judiciary, including reinstatement of judges axed by the martial law, and redefinition of the role of the military in Pakistani politics. This is bound to happen, but the when and how is yet to be seen.Signs of the demise of perhaps the last martial law are everywhere. Defiance is growing, and is taking new and innovative forms. And, there is close networking among civil society groups and resistance is being aided by technology.The primitive, elite-led state faces a serious challenge from a very modern civil society. It would not be difficult to foretell the winner.
Questions to ask as a Pakistani..
Hard times for our country, still harder ahead. Existential questions need to be addressed more than ever now, and honestly, by all of us, if we are to ever dream of salvaging the dream called Pakistan. How much are we willing to stake for in this fight? More than ever, the country needs contribution from the privileged classes that have a duty to give back now, or else face extinction as a proud nation and the indifference of history. The concerted efforts of the students, lawyers and media is heartening, brings a heady rush to the numbed senses. Despite systematic efforts by the state and establishment to prevent the people to become a dynamic civil polity, the people have proven them wrong. The people of Pakistan are the wild card here, we have the power to make or break the situation and we must always remember that. However, carrying out street demonstrations is not enough, the movement has to sustain and become a force of its own. That should be the goal and the guiding light, and to get there, hard questions need to be asked, ground realities need to be addressed. Is it enough to vilify and blame a single person for this tragic episode in our troubled history? Should hopes be pinned on a single person or party to bring justice and good times? Can we evade the reality that the sovereignty of the country is compromised greatly by foreign policy imperatives? So much so that the General addresses his first press conference since imposition of martial law in English, and the leader of the biggest political party addresses foreign audiences more than the people of her own country? Should we also brush away the fact that Pakistani flag has been taken off in parts of Swat? Not to forget, the heinous Army Act that has been imposed is here to stay even after the so called emergency will be lifted, making the freedom of expression nothing more than a farce. The nexus of domestic and foreign policies has become so entangled that the ruling clique has become nothing more than a chessboard of generals and power drunk politicians. What can we do? What is to be done? Holding demonstrations and expressing our abhorrence to the power games that rob us of our basic right to live as a respectable citizen of the state is the first step. This we owe to the poor people of Pakistan, the ordinary soldier, the farmer, the sweeper, the labourer. The second step is to not get duped by the deceptive promises of politicians and civil-military establishment and be on guard. For that we need to support a free media and conscientious voices amongst us all, learn to go beyond the superficial, and strive to find ways to beat the players at their own game. We need to come up with ways to keep up the momentum of this historical movement that has woken us from our cynical apathy. And that brings one to the basic question of how far each of us is willing to go?
LUMS Hunger Strike Week commences..
Wishing to show support for their principled stance but constricted by the scheduling of exams at various times throughout the day, student protesters at LUMS have announced a hunger strike all week. For many, the hunger strike is less a test of physical and psychological endurance than a symbolic gesture, having historical associations in subcontinental history as a method of political resistance through non-violent means. A small number of students are to take out the time between exams everyday to sit in a designated area in front of the cafeteria, marked by placards proclaiming their cause. Today, a total of around twenty-five students religiously maintained their position on the designated patch of grass in the busy lane between the cafeteria and the academic block. They posed an interesting - and even rather poignant- sight, sitting cross-legged on the ground with their coursebooks and laptops on their laps, determinedly trying to study among the consistent chatter in an effort to fulfill both their academic and civil responsibilities. The sit-in/strike ended for the day at 4:30 with gifts of garlands for the student protesters on strike frombystanders, a tradition which the protestors were clearly reluctant toobserve but in the end, not very stoically endured for the sake of thecultural traditions of hunger strikes in the subcontinent.
Among all this, the small group of protesters did seem to make an impact upon the regular stream of spectators and passerbys in that it underlined the seriousness and importance of the issue of country's entire judicial structure being compromised and virtually shattered under the impact of the emergency laws. The students clearly seem to consider it vital enough to spend precious time from their study schedule to observe a collective hunger strike in protest, a fact which should prove interesting for many who considered the lasting power of students' surprising dedication to the cause as potentially weak.
For Everyone..please read..
It is in this frustration, in this dejection, that we must find our strength. The strength to stand up and reclaim this nation from those who have purged it of all that was whole and good. For, my friends, I fear we may not have another chance; this country may not have another chance.
For decades, generations have stood by as this nation was exploited, subverted, pillaged by its own leaders; Leaders who told us to sit quietly while they bled the very soil of this land. We yearned for justice, for peace, for development, for honesty and accountability, but received little. Over the years, many of us lost faith in our own identity – we were no longer ‘proud of being Pakistani’. Skepticism and cynicism became inherent Pakistani traits. Our culture, our traditions, we slowly lost touch with. Successive 14th August’s passed without a whimper; Pakistan, we felt, no longer belonged to any of us.
Today, at the most critical juncture that this country has seen in its turbulent history for decades, we have an opportunity – maybe our last – to change all of that. Today, we have the chance to salvage our country’s future, to save it from destruction, to save it from the very apathy that threatens to devour it whole.
Why are we protesting, people ask me? To usher in another corrupt politician? To open the doors for another dynastic arrangement that exploits whatever’s left of this tattered nation? What are we fighting for?
To them, I extend one simple answer; we are fighting for Pakistan.
We are fighting because soon, there might not be anything left to quarrel over. We are fighting for the country’s future, a future where people are socially and politically conscious, where injustice is not complacently tolerated, where the masses are empowered and equal. Where the most destitute denizens of society can seek the same justice as its rulers. Where corrupt politicians do not dare steal from the nations coffers. We are fighting for institutions that can ensure this, for institutions that prevent the abuse of despotic and political power, institutions that protect our rights. And unless that is ensured, none of Pakistan’s myriad of problems will be solved, however much our Messianic General wishes us to think so. And yes, make no mistake about it; we are fighting savage, unrestrained oppression.
Yes, the fight will be long and hard. Along the way, it will be beset with disappointment, with frustration and restlessness.
But, for once, I want being Pakistani to mean more for me than cheering a cricket match victory, or mindlessly waving a green flag on the 14th of August. I want to ‘be’ this country, to feel one with it, to be proud of it in all respects, to heal the wounds that decades of turmoil have wrought upon its crumbling visage. And, in these darkest of times, I pledge, as Allah is my witness, to do my utmost to make that happen.
And no, this fight does not end with the end of the emergency. This fight continues until we can truly claim to have made a difference. Until we have purged this country of all the anathemas that threaten its survival; from military rule, to corruption, to inequality, to intolerance, to terrorism, to socio-political apathy.
I am making a humble plea now, to anyone listening or reading, my colleagues at LUMS, students, teachers, parents, Pakistanis. Please join us. Please wake up and save this country. It is not the responsibility of one individual; all of us have a part to play. If we let this one opportunity slip us by, history and more importantly, God, may not ever absolve us. We must act with the faith that courses through our veins, with conviction in our beliefs and in the values that we are fighting for. And we must move quickly, for our nation cannot sustain much more. Collectively and Substantively, we must speak out and come out.
In Complete Unity.
May Allah bless us all.
E-mail from Dr. Parvez Hasan
Dr.Pervaiz Hasan, an eminent lawyer and member of the LUMS Management Committee was arrested at the Lahore High Court on the 5th of November, protesting against the imposition of emergency and subjugation of the judiciary. This is his account of his time in detainment:
They herded lawyers in the police, about 35 of us. We knew nothing about where we were being taken after our arrest at the Lahore High Court on 5 November 2007. Speculation mounted in discussions in the bus but it was soon overtaken by the rumour/news received on somemobile telephones with the lawyers that General Musharaf had been removed and placed under house arrest. The hatred for Musharaf seemed so intense that this appeared the best news of the day although with the reported take over by General Kiani, it was sadly a case of "from the fire into the frying pan".
The first thing when we arrived at the Sabzazar Police Station(further out of Lahore near Allama Iqbal Town) was that we were unlocked out of the police bus and searched. All mobile phones were confiscated. I do not use, have or carry a mobile phone and by this time the expectation, subtly fed to us, was that we would be taken from Sabzazar to jails in Bahawalpur, Sahiwal or Mianwali. I am a heart patient: I had a heart attack in 2004 and doctors at the Punjab Institute of Cardiology in Lahore then operated me to place three stents in my heart blood vessels. I have been regimented since to taking several medicines, morning and evening. Some of these are important for the thinning of the blood to prevent strokes. When I saw the prospect of being held incommunicado without information to my family, I wanted desperately to reach out for my medicines.
Courtesy a colleague on the bus, I hurriedly used his mobile before getting out of the bus to be searched in the police station to inform my Secretary in the office about the Sabzazar Police Station minutes before the mobile was confiscated by the Police Station. Otherwise, no one could have found out where we were being held. The only redeeming thing for the whole day turned out to be that the Police Station allowed the medicines to be delivered to me in the cell when my son, Omar, rushed to bring these to Sabzazar.
The cell in Sabzazar was an unclean, filthy room with a toilet and tap in the middle with a 4 foot wall around it. The 35 of us were all jam-packed, once again, into this room which was actually meant for fewer people. Having been a political activist with theTehrik-i-Istiqlal and, later, with the Tehrik-e-Insaf as its first Secretary General, I well know and have been exposed to the conditions of our police stations and jails. In criticizing the conditions for the detainees, one is not asking for 5 star comfort but what I am suggesting is that 60 years after our independence, the conditions in our police stations and jails have not matched the worldwide developments towards the dignity of human beings increasingly recognized through international Magna Cartas such as the United Nation's Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, and the International Covenants on Human Rights, 1966 and the human rights provisions in our own national Constitution. It is a measure of our national shame that even enemy prisoners of war (POWs) receive better treatment under the Geneva Conventions than do our detainees in our police stations and jails.
We slept on the hard dirty floor in our court dresses without access to any cover of blankets in the cool and mosquito-infested night. The space was so over-crowded that when I got up from a brief nap, I found a young lawyer using my legs as a pillow.
But the mood was optimistic and the spirits high. We soon went into telling jokes and reciting poetry and found a Master of Ceremonies who directed the order of our presentations. Much of the humour, mostly obscene was in respect of General Pervez Musharaf and if there were any (spy) bugs in the room, many of the 35 lawyers could easily be hauled up under anti-obscenity statutes!
The most eloquent and, for me, the most moving presentation was from a young lawyer who proudly declared that 5 November 2007 was the most important day of his life because he had decided, on this date, that he would never appear before a PCO Judge. He was equally proud to announce that, acting on this resolve, he had only that morning returned a (huge) fee of Rs. 4,000 to a client whose case he would no longer handle. This was the most humbling experience for me. That morning, I too had acted on the same resolve to return the professional fee of over Rs. one (1) crore paid to me by clients whose cases I would no longer argue because of the PCO Judges. But I felt that my gesture after 37 years of a busy professional life did not match the sacrifice of this young struggling lawyer. I wish all other lawyers see similar light on the start of their careers.
My bonding with the 35 colleagues at Sabzazar came to an end early on 6 November 2007 when because of the dedicated and worried efforts ofmy architect son, Omar, and nephew, Jawad, I was released from Sabzazar Police Station on grounds of age (66) and a medical conditionduly certified by the country's leading cardiologist, Dr. Shaharyar Sheikh. I should also acknowledge the humane response to my medical problems by the efficient SHO of the Sabzazar Police Station, QamarAbbas, and his deputy, Atif.
Monday, November 12, 2007
Protests continue worldwide..
Toronto:
There have been protests in Toronto over the last week, one of which took place in downtown Toronto on November 10, 2007. At this rally there were various speakers such as government representatives, human rights organizations, union leaders, professors, students and parents. The message was clear and the media heard it loud and strong. We were broadcast on local television networks and urged the Canadian government to hear our voices of reason and help. The rally was also attended by proud LUMS representatives such as Qasim Saddique as a speaker as well as Aisha Khan and various students that have been at LUMS during various periods of their academic lives from my batch and others.
Boston:
Pakistani students from local universities and colleges held a very successful protest rally at the Boston Commons. The rally was attended by about 200 people. The students had the full support of Boston's Pakistani expatriate community. Boston area academicians, lawyers and physicians attended and spoke at the rally.
Students at Harvard, MIT and Bunker Hill Community College were among the key organizers of the rally to protest the attack against the judiciary, curbs against the media and the violence against lawyers, human right activists and students exercising their right of peaceful protest.
Paris:
A Protest against the emergency was arranged by Pakistani students in Paris. There were about more than 100 Pakistani students and community members and it was a very successful event, as it captured the attention of more than 4000 international tourists in front of Eiffel Tower. GEO and ARY One were there to capture the event
Call of Defiance
Blind my eyes and gag my mouth,
my very breath shall exude defiance.
From mountains north and seashores south,
every stone and wind shall cry defiance.
My arms are strong and my blood is thick,
with the sweat and tears that begot this land.
Achieved not through deception or magicians trick,
but through vigorous souls and calloused hands.
My chest now burns as my heart now aches,
to see our lives in your shackles
Inside, the earth rumbles and dams start to break,
the wolf shall growl and stand his hackles.
I have arisen and you should be afraid,
stealer of all I love and cherish.
That for which my fathers fought for to the grave,
It shall not be surrendered until I myself perish
IBA Students disallowed from protesting
From ‘an IBA student who wants to join the movement’
The Administration of IBA has made it very clear that any student found even wearing black a ribbon as protest against emergency will be expelled without a hearing before the disciplinary committee. This "unofficial notice" came after students of IBA made a silent protest against emergency by wearing black bands on their arms and foreheads. Students in Karachi want to be part of the students' movement but the administrations are not letting this happen.
Suspension of Constitution is a major sin: Ghamdi
Reported in The News, Sunday 11th November
KARACHI: Renowned Islamic scholar Javed Ahmed Ghamdi has said basic human rights had been guaranteed by God Almighty to all human beings and no one could usurp or suspend these rights under any circumstances. In a statement, Prof Ghamdi said these basic rights could not be taken away even in a state of war. He said the Constitution of Pakistan was a national charter and to abrogate, suspend or violate it was a cardinal sin, which could not be forgiven easily. Prof Ghamdi said it was the basic right of every citizen to criticize wrong decisions of any government and protest against such actions. But these protests must be peaceful and should not endanger the life, property or dignity of any citizen. He said both the government and the protesters must respect the rights of others and this principle must not be forgotten at any time.
'People's Resistance' issues call to action
Peoples Resistance is a coalition of civil society organizations that includes Karachi WAF, HRCP, Women’s Peace Commission, lawyers, journalists, and other professionals. People’s Resistance calls upon all professional groups, NGOs, trade unions, student unions, and individuals to join the platform of resistance in its peaceful campaigns for the restoration of independence of judiciary, cleansing the judiciary of the unprincipled judges that have signed the PCO, restoration of the independence of the media, and the security of all the people of Pakistan by the restoration of the Constitution of Pakistan.
We, the citizens of Pakistan, salute the judges who have not signed the PCO, and have thereby asserted the inalienable right of the judiciary to remain independent.
We, the citizens of Pakistan, salute the media in its determination to protect the independent role of their profession.
Civil society makes the following demands:
1. Immediate restoration of the Chief Justice of Pakistan and the judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts that have not signed thePCO.
2. The judges who have signed the PCO must resign without any delay.
3. The judges who have started visiting the Governor must desist this practice immediately, as it subverts the judiciary to the executive and thereby insults the judiciary, which is the most central pillar of a State.
4. Changes in PEMRA ordinance must be withdrawn and restrictions on the media must be removed without any conditions.
5. All lawyers that have been arrested must be released immediately, and all cases withdrawn.
Police arrest, release 48 students in Islamabad Protest: Eyewitness account
Sunday, November 11, 2007
Judicial Travesty...
S.M
Many people have been writing here about how the emergency (readmartial law) impacts your life as a citizen of Pakistan. If you lookedat the headlines today (Sunday 11th November), you'll see just onemore way in which it does - 'Civilians can be court-martialled'.
What this means is that any one can be charged with treason,terrorism, sedition, attacking the president and even 'giving statements conducive to public mischief'. Some of these are 'new crimes' that have been added to the Pakistan Penal Code. According tothe DAWN report, this has been done since it is felt that the terrorism courts can not hold 'proper or speedy trials' of captured'terrorists'.
How is a military court different from a civilian court? In most countries, such as the US, a military court does not require aunanimous decision to convict the person on trial. A two-thirds majority is sufficient. These trials are held in secret and the rules for admission of evidence are not as strict as those for civiliantrials. Since the trials are secret, it is obvious that the jurors are not civilians (or peers of the civilian who is charged), but militaryofficials.*
One has to admit that the timing of this change in the Army Act (1952)is significant. At the moment thousands of lawyers and human rights activists are being held in jails, government schools and anywhere else available, for raising their voice against the brutality and injustice perpetrated by our government. God only knows what their fate will be.
When President Bush tried to get military tribunals to try suspected terrorists, the US Supreme Court overruled him. Our Supreme Court "judges" are not going to do that. The onus is on you, on us to overrule Musharraf. Be careful, stay safe, BUT, do not let him think that we will stand for this!
The Power of the Pen resonates
The Emergency Times is making waves around the world! This is cut out of 2 articles from the Emergency Times first issue. Let this be an encouragement to all of you who want to make a difference. Do not underestimate the power of the pen. Write as much as you can; to lawyers, judges, newspapers, foreign media outlets, politicians, human rights activists and ofcourse to the emergency times. Let people know about what has been happening at this end. Remember some of the greatest revolutionaries were great writers too. So pick up the pen and write away!
