Pakistan Demonstrates the Wisdom of America’s Founding Fathers

Jacob G. Hornberger

The situation in Pakistan provides another good reason why the American people should put a stop to the U.S. government’s meddling in the affairs of other countries.

For years, U.S. officials have had a close, working partnership with Pakistan’s president Pervez Musharraf, which has included the delivery to him of millions of dollars in U.S. taxpayer money. Keep in mind one important fact: Musharraf is a dictator. A brutal military dictator who has ruled over Pakistan with an iron fist for many years. He took power in a coup and refused to allow democratic elections in the country.

U.S. officials have known all of this. Yet, despite all their glorious talk about the virtues of democracy, especially in Iraq, they have nonetheless been funneling U.S. taxpayer money into the coffers of Musharraf and the military goons that have kept him in power.

Several months ago, Musharraf dissolved the country’s Supreme Court and began jailing lawyers and judges? Why? Because the judiciary and the attorneys believed in an independent judiciary. That is, they believed in the same type of judicial system that we have here in the United States, one in which the Supreme Court is the ultimate arbiter of what is constitutional and unconstitutional.

Like all dictators, Musharraf could not countenance a constitutional order. When a dictator issues an order, he expects everyone, including the lawyers and the judges, to obey it. If they don’t, that’s what the military and the police are for — to round up those who don’t understand and appreciate the nature of dictatorship and put them in jail until they do.

Through it all, including Musharraf’s crackdown on the judiciary and the lawyers, the U.S. government has remained loyal to Musharraf, continuing to funnel U.S. taxpayer money into his coffers (even while killing untold numbers of people in Iraq for the sake of democracy). But why should that surprise anyone, especially given the Bush administration’s and Pentagon’s denigration of lawyers and the U.S. Supreme Court with respect to such issues as torture, rendition, Guantanamo Bay, and the “war on terrorism”?

What U.S. officials never counted on, however, is that the Pakistani people hated Musharraf’s military dictatorship. In the recent parliamentary elections in Pakistan, the vote was so overwhelming against Musharraf that even the dictator could not rig the outcome. Of course, in the process the Pakistani people also implicitly rebuked the dictator’s loyal partner, the U.S. government.

Let’s recall that this isn’t the first time that the United States has experienced this type of blowback from its foreign policy of interventionism. In Iran, the CIA ousted the democratically elected prime minister from office and installed a brutal dictator, the Shah of Iran, in his stead. After decades of brutal dictatorial rule, including the torture of his own people, the Shah was ousted from power by the Iranian people. Not surprisingly, the Iranian people resented not just the Shah but also his loyal partner and supporter, the U.S. government.

What does the U.S. government now do in Pakistan as part of its foreign policy of interventionism? Does it continue supporting its loyal partner, a dictator, and continue funneling U.S. taxpayer money into his coffers? Or does it align itself with the citizenry who are trying to restore democracy and a constitutional order to their land?

Such questions arise for one — and only one — reason: the U.S. government’s foreign policy of intervening and interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. If the United States had a policy of non-intervention, then the rebuke of a dictator by his own citizens would be not simultaneously serve as a rebuke against the United States.

In other words, at the risk of belaboring the obvious the reason that Pakistanis who have risen up against Musharraf also resent the United States is because the U.S. government is Musharraf’s partner, a partner that has financed much of his brutal dictatorial rule. In the absence of intervention, the Pakistani people would resent their dictator without also resenting the United States.

Once again, we are learning the wisdom of our nation’s Founding Fathers, who counseled in favor of friendly relations with all nations but entangling alliances with none. The key to America’s future — the key to freedom, peace, prosperity, morality, and harmony — lies in liberating the private sector of America to freely engage with the people of the world while, at the same time, prohibiting the federal government from interfering with the internal affairs of other countries.

Mr. Hornberger is founder and president of The Future of Freedom Foundation.

U.S. Must Quit Bush's Chicken Little Politics in Pakistan, Cold Turkey

Lisa Gans

Ever since the September 11th attacks, the Bush administration has been warning Americans that, but for the rule of military dictator General Pervez Musharraf, the sky would be falling. Musharraf, we were told, was what was standing between us and a flood of Islamic extremists who would unleash acts of terrorism around the world. In the war on terror, leaders were either with us or against us, and Bush knew, after talking with Musharraf, that the man was in our corner. He would keep the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in check. It's now time for the U.S. to recognize that events on the ground have proven Bush wrong, and to change the way we conduct our relations with Pakistan lest we hamper the chances of the newly-elected government for successful democratic rule.

Since the initial decision to back Musharraf, the Bush administration has developed tunnel vision in Pakistan and failed to examine the conduct of U.S. foreign policy and what we were getting in return for our support. Never mind that ISI, Pakistan's intelligence service, under Musharraf's direction, had helped to keep the Taliban in power in Afghanistan. Never mind that, despite the billions of dollars in aid the U.S. has given to Pakistan over the past six years, mostly to its military, Musharraf has failed to explain exactly what specific benefit he has provided to the U.S. In fact, he has been widely criticized by U.S. policy-makers, scholars, and even NATO commanders who have been concerned that Musharraf has not done enough to combat al-Qaeda and has been giving sanctuary to extremists in Pakistan's tribal areas that border Afghanistan. Much has been written about whether the U.S. has actually benefited from its relationship with Musharraf, and exactly how much has been spent with astonishingly little oversight. Despite this, the Bush administration has continued to deliver enormous sums of money to Musharraf and tout him as a great U.S. ally in the fight against terrorism.

The U.S.'s backing of Musharraf has had two sets of consequences, one on the world stage, and the other within Pakistan itself. In the international arena, the U.S. has lost credibility as a purveyor of democracy. With no sense of irony, it has backed a military dictator, even as he suspended the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, cracked down on the media, jailed lawyers and opposition leaders, suspended the country's constitution, and, despite the massive aid to his military, failed to provide adequate security to Benazir Bhutto who was assassinated in Rawalpindi, a Musharraf stronghold. In addition, the U.S. has placed unnecessary stress on its relationship with India and failed to consider the potential consequences for the region of the influx of so much money with so little scrutiny given to its use. Within Pakistan, overt U.S. support of Musharraf has diminished respect for him and made him a caricature to the people -- a puppet who sold his loyalty to a bullying super-power. Many who were not necessarily anti-U.S. became polarized by Bush's message to Musharraf that he had to be for us or against us. The thinking for many was, "Well, if I'm not entirely for you, then I guess I must be against you." And, because U.S. money and influence protected Musharraf even when he disregarded the most basic human, civil and political rights of Pakistani citizens, those abuses were attributed by the people to the U.S. Living under a dictatorship and living under U.S. influence became for many, one and the same.

Recent events in Pakistan show that the Bush administration was wrong to say that Musharraf was the country's and the world's best hope for fighting extremism in Pakistan. They also show that the U.S. must and should change its foreign policy approach in Pakistan if it is to achieve its goals of fostering democracy in the region and combating terrorism. Despite what we were told, the sky did not fall when Musharraf lost his grip on power. Instead, an effort to restore democracy and national institutions has begun amid cautious optimism. In spite of Musharraf's best efforts to prevent elections, they were held with relatively little violence and declared free and fair. The media, freed from recent restrictions, reached out to the people and encouraged them to vote, not according to the instructions of their village leaders, but rather in their own interests. According to one landowner in southern Punjab "our villagers didn't vote according to our wishes this time -- they voted for their own candidates -- something they haven't done in the past."

This sense of accomplishment by the people should buffer the new government from some criticism and skepticism, even if acts of terrorism are used to unseat or disturb it. Unlike the previous government, this one has at least the temporary good-will of many Pakistanis who are willing to give these politicians the benefit of the doubt and a chance to prove themselves. Despite Bush's warnings, the county has not been engulfed by radical terrorists, and the new government has committed itself to continuing the fight against terrorism, and opened the door for counter-insurgency tactics by reaching out to militants who are willing to lay down their arms. This tactic has been praised in the past by NATO and other military commanders but condemned by the Bush administration as an unacceptable way to deal with extremists. It shows that there may a uniquely Pakistani approach to addressing concerns of terrorism, while also promoting democracy and good governance within Pakistan.

The new government has wasted no time in letting Washington know that its heavy-handed diplomacy was a thing of the past. When the U.S. sent its Deputy secretary of state John Negroponte and assistant secretary of state Richard Boucher to meet with General Musharraf on the very day that the new Pakistani Prime Minister, Yousaf Raza Gillani, took office, high-level Pakistani lawyers and government officials immediately made it clear that this was a mistake, and that the new government, not Musharraf, would be making decisions in the country from now on. With unprecedented candor, high-level Pakistanis told Negraponte that his visit and its timing were unwelcome, as was the implication that the U.S. intends to micro-manage the political fall-out of the recent elections.

Washington should now listen to what they were told, take a lesson from Pakistan's democratically elected government and focus on the needs and the will of the people. Up until now, U.S. relations with Pakistan have been largely centralized and impersonal. Pakistanis have felt the presence of the U.S. through coercion exercised by and on their central government. Rather than take a prominent role in programs to assist with access to medical care, schooling, shelter, livelihoods and other staples of social welfare, the U.S. has poured most of its aid into Pakistan's military, and left non-governmental organizations to address the overwhelming needs of the people in what is still a relatively poor country. (Pakistan ranks 136th out of 177 on the 2007/2008 Human Development Index.)

Rather than continue its prominent role in supporting one person within the Pakistani government, the U.S. should now assume a low profile as the new-elected order establishes itself. At the same time, the U.S. should lend its assistance on the humanitarian front in order to allow the new government to achieve the credibility it needs to fight extremism, and diminish animosity among Pakistanis towards the U.S. Finally, the U.S. should show respect for and assist Pakistan in strengthening its core governmental institutions, so that they can be safeguarded through checks and balances, and become less vulnerable to corruption and extremism.

The U.S. should recognize that it is not betraying American security interests by allowing the new government space to develop without the appearance of being shackled to outside interests. Those recently elected and their supporters have reasons and will of their own to combat terrorism and extremism. Some in the country may not be for or against the U.S., but may be dedicated to the preservation of a safer and more prosperous Pakistan. Thus, the U.S. can best serve its own interests by helping the new leadership to win hearts and minds, boost the people's standard of living, and foster the sense of ownership many Pakistanis now have in their newly elected government. We have allowed our fears to dictate our policy in Pakistan, but recent events demonstrate that we do not need to sacrifice our ideals and standing around the world to secure our security.

Lisa Gans is a human rights lawyer who has worked with non-governmental organizations in Egypt, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Swalizand and Iraq. She specializes in legal and constitutional development, civil society development, women's rights, refugee issues.

Why Musharraf must go

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar

LAHORE: On February 18, Pakistanis voted against the regime of Pervez Musharraf. For more than eight years the now retired general has ruled the country with an iron fist, brooking no dissent. But when push came to shove, the Pakistani people made it clear that they would rather their country be ruled by politicians - however flawed - than an army general dancing to Washington's tune.

In the immediate aftermath of the polls, the victors - the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) of late Benazir Bhutto and the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) of Nawaz Sharif, the man Musharraf ousted in his October 1999 coup - have called on Musharraf to resign. But the man who has been a Bush administration favourite is clinging on for dear life, and so long as he does, a smooth transition to democracy is unlikely.

It is perhaps difficult for observers outside Pakistan to actually understand the depth of the crisis that Musharraf's government faced in the lead-up to the polls. Even now, the worsening security situation is not the biggest problem that the regime is up against. The vote against the incumbent regime in fact was the fallout of an acute economic crisis that has beset the country.
Over the past few weeks, Pakistanis have been suffering from prolonged power outages, a major reduction in the supply of gas, and a dramatic shortage of wheat flour. The situation reached crisis-like proportions about two weeks before February 18 and while things have not deteriorated further, they have not got much better either.

This is ironic given that the regime's most celebrated success has been the 'economic revival' that it has engineered. Since October 1999 the government has initiated a series of economic 'reform' measures, which have met with the approval of the IMF and World Bank. The regime has been rewarded, particularly after the September 11 attacks in America, with massive inflows of financial assistance.

In subsequent years, foreign exchange reserves reached record levels, export earnings improved and growth rates increased to the point that Pakistan's economy was said to be the second fastest growing economy in Asia, second only to China. However, very little structural change has taken place beneath the surface. There has been no asset redistribution, the tax net has remained woefully small, and foreign investment has been limited to non-employment generating sectors such as real estate, telecommunications and the stock market.

Pakistan's has always been an aid-dependent economy that looks a lot more robust than it actually is when the aid is flowing in. In recent times, the underlying weaknesses of the regime's economic 'miracle' have become painfully apparent. There is not enough electricity and gas to meet the burgeoning demand. The need to generate foreign exchange through wheat exports has given rise to a bizarre situation in which a record bumper crop has proved insufficient in meeting internal demand.

Development spending is being cut as means of creating fiscal space. The list could go on. With the support of western governments under the guise of prosecuting the so-called 'war on terror', the regime has succeeded in suppressing political challenges to it, most obviously by dismissing activist supreme court judges and arresting thousands of democracy-demanding lawyers and political activists.

The electorate has taken revenge for these deeply unpopular measures by voting Musharraf's clients out of power, but the imperative of the 'war on terror' is seemingly too acute for Musharraf's patrons in Washington to accept the people's mandate. Notwithstanding rhetoric to the contrary, the Bush administration has not played its cards in Pakistan well, or at least not well enough to win the hearts and minds of its people. The solution does not lie in dumping Musharraf and backing his successor - Pervez Kiyani - to the post of army chief. It lies in finally accepting that the Pakistani people are best equipped to decide how to address the problems that their country is beset with.

The election result should be seen as the culmination of a year-long struggle to dislodge the incumbent regime. Of course in most cases, voters reinstated many who have been in power before and in doing so have thrown down the gauntlet to the two big parties, the PPP and the PML-N. On the one hand the election result is, in many ways, a mandate for them to really take on the military. If, instead, they buckle to the demands of the army - and the United States - the many possible gains from the politicisation that has taken place over the past year will be lost.
On the other hand, serious policy changes are necessary if the coalition wants to avoid being swept away by a tidal wave of anti-government sentiment in the way that the Musharraf regime has. For example, free market orthodoxy of the kind championed by the Musharraf government is likely to subject working people to even more acute hardship whilst not necessarily achieving macroeconomic stability.

The PPP and PML-N are now immersed in a battle to maintain the goodwill they have regained by virtue of their stance against a deeply unpopular military regime. The initial period will be crucial, and the international community would do well to honour the wishes of the Pakistani people and stop backing Musharraf and the policies that have taken Pakistan to the brink of implosion.

The writer teaches colonial history and political economy at the Lahore University of Management Sciences.

Pakistan's media - responsibility must anchor freedom

By Raza Rumi

IT is a truism that media freedom in Pakistan today has been earned after a long struggle which will perhaps continue in the years to come.

Deepening of democratic traditions and their permeation in society are sine qua non for a free media. Whilst there can be no two opinions on the independence of the media, the need for greater responsibility and professionalism has to be articulated in no uncertain terms. Such is the confusion and chaos triggered by an overgrown executive that the issue of responsibility has been sidelined by the overwhelming noises for media freedom especially since the tinkering with the text and application of Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra) Ordinance.

We are now getting used to a television culture that imitates the life of Pakistani tharras, chai-khanas and drawing-rooms where politics is discussed ad nauseum. Rare exceptions include issue oriented talk-shows but they appear bland unless their all knowing hosts inject some political spice into them. Expertise is taken for granted; new-age generalists judge every subject under the sun and occasionally take themselves a bit too seriously. Yes, the commercial imperative of the media dictates programming patterns. But there has to be a method to this disorderliness.

The most recent occasion of electronic media wizardry was the announcement of the Pakistan People’s Party-led coalition candidate for the unenviable job of the prime minister. The moment the announcement was made, a leading channel played a popular Indian film song that lamented broken promises. In this case, the fabled promise of the prime ministerial cookie for Makhdoom Amin Fahim.

Admittedly, the party of the people and its allies were secretive about the process. The principle of transparency, ideally, is germane to elected institutions. However, this is neither an ideal world nor is it going to turn into one overnight. The way a momentous decision was trivialised was not in good taste. The news industry forgot that this was a party still recovering from the brutal murder of its omnipresent leader less than three months ago.

And then the vulnerable Makhdoom was grilled into a line of questioning by many channels anticipating that he would put the fissures within the party into the public domain. Much to their consternation, nothing of the sort came about. In fact, the icy Makhdoom, disappointed as he must be, maintained his dignity and decorum in the face of a media that desperately hoped for catchy breaking news.

Earlier, the guessing game on the PM nomination was played up into teacup hype, was also, to a certain extent, unwarranted. For instance, the delay in requisitioning the session of the National Assembly was far less analysed than why the PPP was unable to settle for Makhdoom. The discourse on the issue focused on ‘loyalty’, ‘honour’ and such other terms that may go well with the patriarchal-authoritarian society but not with the difficult task of inculcating democratic values.

Alas, the level of analysis was such that the ‘potential’ candidates were rarely compared in terms of merit, competence or likelihood of pulling together a difficult coalition. And no one bothered to check how this process was managed in the region especially India where coalitions are now a norm. Sadly, the chequered history of PPP media trials continues even when plural and relatively free voices abound.

Well, this is the beginning of a new journey. We have a mature political class that is willing to jointly challenge the historic ascendancy of non-elected institutions. This is something that is central to the future of all freedoms including that of the media. As the first speech of the prime minister proved, democracy —truncated as it might be — is the only way of ensuring the independence of the judiciary.

The release of deposed judges came about ironically through the parliament. The sweet irony of it all is that this was a scene not envisaged by those who were urging all and sundry to boycott the elections. That a president sans uniform had limits to his powers was a nuance not debated.
The channel gurus were more inclined towards the ‘purity’ of political positions. Considerable airtime was devoted to the Faustian ‘deal’ that was perhaps the last grand sin of Bhutto in the eyes of our puritans. She had of course to pay with her life for redemption.

In a similar vein, television debates on suicide bombings and war on terror reinforce the populism that endangers critical introspection, and reduces the discourse to a level that, simply put, is simplistic. We all know that the demons of extremism have been nurtured for decades. They existed prior to the American invasion of Afghanistan and our frontline status. But discussions about the slow Talibanisation of Pakistan being a reality are taboo; as the overwhelming majority of ‘experts’ consider this a ‘reaction’ thereby according a subtle legitimacy to the gruesome acts perpetrated in the name of religion.

Unwittingly, the agenda of the suicide brigades gets a helping hand when TV channels relay images of human limbs, severed heads and trucks ramming into security guards. I recall the ugly evening when bombs exploded prior to the chief justice’s arrival at a rally in Islamabad last summer. This was the first time that at least I experienced the disturbing visuals betraying lack of scrutiny. As violence is always gripping, it attracted the attention of my five-year-old and eventually we had to turn off the television.

Popular channels ran notifications urging parental guidance as if this would gloss the evident dearth of punctiliousness. However, this continued as a trend — entrenched, sensational — sadly when Pakistan was witnessing the worst spate of suicide bombings in our recent history. Chopped heads metaphorically are embedded in our histories: from the Baghdad tales of minarets out of severed heads, to Mongol invasions of Delhi and Lahore and the famed anecdote of Emperor Aurangzeb sending the head of Dara Shikoh to Shah Jahan.

But a modern, progressive Pakistan has to overcome this legacy of medieval barbarity and a free, mature media needs to assist in this process and condemn what is utterly condemnable.
Thus emerges the urgent need for self-regulation, codes of conduct and internal accountability. Let the media shun all ‘advisories’, this should be done of their own volition. Globally, there are several examples to follow and the capable ones within the media are well aware of them. There would be no point in listing them here. Suffice to say here that we, the engaged TV viewers, want a free media that is equally responsible; and challenges the stereotype and half-truth instead of reinforcing it.

A glorious future lies ahead for the electronic media — for we have a powerful agent of change, when we had almost given up on the hope for a change.

First published in DAWN on March 31, 2008.

People's Resistance condemns assault on Dr. Riaz

KARACHI, April 1: The People's Resistance, a coalition of pro-democracy individuals and groups, joins organisations like HRCP, AHRC and others in strongly condemning and demanding immediate inquiry into the manhandling and beating up of Dr Riaz Ahmed, Assistant Professor of Applied Chemistry at Karachi University by Pakistan Rangers.

On Monday, March 31, Dr Riaz attempted to drive out of the campus from the Silver Jubilee gate. Rangers deployed in the campus had closed all entry and exit gates following a clash between two student groups and refused to open the gate for Dr Riaz's car. After some harsh words they dragged him out of the car, abused him, kicked him with their boots, and severely beat him with their fists, batons and rifle butts. They dragged up to two meters in the presence of their Commandant Colonel Iftekhar. Students who tried to protect Dr Riaz were also injured. Some teachers and students took the injured professor to the Aga Khan Hospital where a medico-legal exam was carried out.

At a time when the new government has announced the welcome step of reviving student unions and our politics are hopefully being de-militarised, with the military going back to the barracks, it is also time to remove para-military forces from our educational institutes. It should be noted that Dr. Riaz was among the university professors and staff who have consistently opposed the deployment of Rangers at the university, since the ban on student unions in the 1980s. The Rangers' deployment at KU has not only made the security situation worse at the institution, but also resulted in a disruption of the academic atmosphere.

Some months ago, Dr Riaz had berated the Rangers for kicking students' book-bags; one of the Rangers involved in that incident was among the four who maltreated him yesterday. We condemn the continuing presence of para-military forces in our educational institutes and demand that the Vice Chancellor play his due role in upholding principles rather than continuing to make compromises with anti-democratic forces. We demand:

- An immediate, full-scale and high level inquiry into the incident

- Removal of Rangers from university

- The registration of an FIR against the Rangers involved in brutalising the Karachi University professor and the due process of law to punish the culprits.

FC Pol-Sci Society Seminar: Targeting Iran - with David Barsamian

FC (college) University cordially invites you to a Seminar in honor of FCC alumnus Eqbal Ahmad

"Targeting Iran: Imperialism the Next Phase"
with
David Barsamian

Date: Wednesday April 2nd, 2008

Time: 3 to 5 PM

Venue : E331, EBlock, F.C.College

David Barsamian is an American radio broadcaster, writer, and the founder and director of Alternative Radio, the Boulder, Colorado-based syndicated weekly talk program heard on some 125 radio stations in various countries. Barsamian started working in radio in 1978 at KGNU in Boulder, Colorado. His interviews and articles appear regularly in The Progressive and Z Magazine. He is also the author of several books, including The Decline and Fall of Public Broadcasting, Eqbal Ahmad: Confronting Empire and Propaganda and the Public Mind: Conversations with Noam Chomsky.

Directions: Please tell the security at the gate your institution & that you are attending the seminar.

Any Questions: qalandarmemon@googlemail.com

Naked Punch www.nakedpunch.com

HRCP Strongly Condemns Assault on Dr. Riaz by Pakistan Rangers

Press Release, April 1, 2008 Karachi: In a joint statement issued to the press, Iqbal Haider, Co-Chairperson, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and Ghazi Salahuddin, the Vice Chairperson of HRCP Sindh Chapter, has strongly condemned the assault on Monday on Dr. Riaz, Professor of Applied Chemistry in Karachi University by Pakistan Rangers, deployed at the university. The incident occurred following a clash between two student groups.

The Rangers deployed in the campus closed all entry and exit gates after the clash. When Dr Riaz was leaving the campus at 5 p.m., the Rangers stopped his car at Silver Jubilee gate and after some harsh words they brutally hit him with batons, causing severe injuries. He was then taken to the Aga Khan Hospital by a group of teachers and students.

HRCP demands stern action against the culprits, and urges the Karachi University authorities to immediately file an FIR against them to ensure justice for the honorable professor of the university.

Iqbal Haider, Co-Chairperson

Ghazi Salahuddin, Vice Chairperson, Sindh Chapter

KARACHI: Rangers beat up KU teacher

By Meera Jamal

KARACHI, March 31: A professor of the applied chemistry department at the University of Karachi was severely beaten up by Rangers personnel on the campus on Monday afternoon, university officials told Dawn.

The incident took place following the tightening of security by university authorities after a clash between two rival groups of students.KU campus adviser Dr Majeedullah Qadri told Dawn that Prof (Dr) Riaz Ahmed of the applied chemistry department was beaten up by the Rangers. “Security was tightened and the campus gates were closed to outsiders after two student groups clashed with each other at around 1.30pm,” he said.A few hours later, Prof Ahmed was stopped by Rangers personnel when he was leaving the campus through what is known as the Silver Jubilee Gate, Dr Qadri said.

“He tried to explain that he should not be stopped as he is a teacher. At this, the Rangers personnel misbehaved and started beating him up.”He said when he reached the spot he found Rangers Commandant Colonel Iftikhar present there and Dr Ahmed had been beaten up “quite badly”.KU Vice-Chancellor Dr Pirzada Qasim also reached the place of incident and later called the Rangers’ commandant to his office.

The VC reportedly told the commandant to take immediate action against those involved and said that the university administration would not tolerate misconduct with teachers.Colonel Iftikhar told Dawn that he could not comment on the issue as he was conducting an inquiry. However, the campus security adviser said that four Rangers personnel involved in the incident had been suspended. They had been put in the ‘campus jail’, he added.

Meanwhile, university teachers announced a boycott of classes on Tuesday in protest against the incident. “Karachi University Teachers Society has called an emergency meeting on Tuesday in which the future line of action will be decided,” said a KUTS spokesman.

(Courtesy DAWN)

Student Unions Restored! What Do You Think?

The Post reports: Gillani also announced the lifting of ban on student unions. First ban on student unions was implemented on February 9, 1984 in General Ziaul Haq era which was lifted in 1988 by late prime minister Benazir Bhutto. Second time Mian Nawaz Sharif banned the student unions and now the PPP has again lifted the ban.

What Do You Think About This? Please comment expressing your opinions.

Pakistan's Nelson Mandela

Pakistan's continued detention of the Baluch nationalist hero, Akhtar Mengal, is fanning the flames of insurrection

By Peter Tatchell

(Courtesy The Guardian)

The years of western-backed dictatorship in Pakistan are coming to an end. Candidates supporting the tyrant Pervez Musharraf were trounced in last month's elections. Now, the democratically elected government of Pakistan's new prime minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, has ordered the release of the judges that Musharraf deposed and detained. They were dismissed because they dared uphold the rule of law and challenge his regime's systemic violation of human rights.

The next big democratisation step being urged by the people of Pakistan is the release of the vast, unknown numbers of political prisoners. As well as the hundreds of people who are known to be detained, there are thousands more who have simply disappeared into hidden detention centres.

One of Pakistan's most celebrated political prisoners is the former chief minister of Pakistan-ruled Baluchistan, Akhtar Mengal, the president of the Baluchistan national party.

To the people of Baluchistan he is a nationalist hero. Many see him as their Nelson Mandela - unjustly jailed for defending the human rights of the oppressed Baluch people. His continuing detention without trial is fanning the flames of nationalist resentment and popular insurrection against Islamabad's tyranny.

According to Amnesty International and the Asian human rights commission, Mengal is illegally detained. Held in solitary confinement in Karachi prison since December 2006, he has been denied justice by the use of delaying tactics. In all this time, he has never been tried in an open court. Cursory court hearings have been conducted inside prison. No one, except one family member, has been allowed to witness any of the legal proceedings against him.

Mr Iqbal Haider, secretary-general of the human rights commission of Pakistan, was present at the first hearing of Mengal's case in Karachi prison and this is what he saw: "Mr Mengal was brought into the courtroom and shoved into an iron cage with bars all around that stood in a corner away from his counsel."

Akhtar Mengal has not been arrested on corruption charges nor has he been charged with the abuse of power. He is facing trial for the alleged "abduction" of two undercover agents of Pakistan's security forces.

He was arrested, along with 500 party activists, in November 2006, the day before President Musharraf was due to visit Baluchistan. The mass arrests were apparently intended to stop party members from protesting against the savage Pakistani military operations on Baluch territory, and against the widespread arrests of Baluch human rights activists and their enforced "disappearance".

The events that led to his arrest began in April 2006. Mr Mengal reports that he and his family had been receiving threatening phone calls at the time. Because of these threats, he personally chauffeured his children to school.

On April 5, two men on a motorbike followed his car as he was taking his kids to school. Feeling menaced, Mengal stopped his car and asked the men who they were. They refused to explain themselves. Fearing for his safety, Mengal's security guards detained the two men and took them back to the Mengal residence, intending to hand them over to the police. By this stage, the two men admitted being army personnel.

The Pakistani senator, Sanaullah Baloch, recently recounted what happened next:

"Almost immediately, a large party of law-enforcement agency men arrived on the spot and took away their two colleagues who had been picked up, and laid siege to the house and its occupants.

On the intervention of the Sindh chief minister, it was agreed that no case would be filed if Mr Mengal's guards who were involved in the case were handed over to the police for questioning ... Akhtar Mengal remained free till November 28, 2006, when the Baluchistan police arrested him, along with senior members of his party.

Since then, all proceedings are being conducted in camera. Repeated humiliation of the Baluch and their political representatives will intensify the animosity felt by the troubled Baluch population. The judiciary's tilted role and the unproductive hearings ... have already shattered the credibility of the bench."

Akhtar Mengal is not the only political prisoner. Many other leaders from Pakistan's minority nationalities - Baluch, Sindhi and Pashtun - have been detained and abused on trumped up charges.

Veteran Baluch nationalists Sardar Attaullah Mengal, Nawab Khair Bux Khan Marri, Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Mir Ghous Bux Bizenjo, Sher Mohammed Marri and Mir Gul Khan Naseer have spent many years in prison for defending the human rights of the Baluch people and refusing to act as quislings for the Punjabi-dominated political and military establishment in Islamabad.

Senator Sanaullah Baloch has noted:

"Mengal's prolonged detention, mortification and the delay in the dispensation of justice has exposed the inequality that characterises our system. They also point to the inability of our courts to act independently without being influenced by the powers that be.

The (Pakistan) constitution guarantees that 'all citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law'. The international convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination also emphasises 'the right to equal treatment before the tribunals and all other organs administering justice'. However, the Baluch have not been treated according to national and international laws. Constitutional guarantees and the courts have failed to protect their fundamental rights.

Akhtar Mengal, as a senior leader of a political party, is entitled to all basic rights and facilities. But he has been denied basic legal and human rights because of his political affiliations. The large number of political activists in Baluchistan, who have been detained and denied legal and prison rights, are entitled to just treatment in accordance with UN conventions. The government of Pakistan must abide by the laws of the country and international law and respect the rights of the Baluch. There should be an end to the injustice, intimidation and harassment being meted out to them."

PM outlines new policies in revolutionary speech: details

ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gillani has announced revolutionary steps in his policy speech at the floor of National Assembly after getting unanimous vote of confidence from the house on Saturday.

The prime minister in his landmark speech increased the support price of wheat from Rs. 510 to 625 per 40 kilograms. He announced lifting of ban on student and trade unions, while changed the status of PEMRA to make it a subsidiary of the ministry of information.

Muslim League (Q), Functional League, People’s Party Sherpao and Muttahida Qaumi Movement announced to support the prime minister.

The prime minister in his speech thanked Almighty Allah for his election in this holy month.

He also expressed his gratitude to People’s Party’s slain leaders Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto, party chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, co-chairman Asif Zardari and the party workers, leaders of allied parties Nawaz Sharif, Asfandyar Wali, Altaf Hussain, Pir Pagara, independent members and other parties that voted to him for confidence.

Prime Minister Gillani promised to take along all sides and work for the best interest of the country.

He vowed to strengthen the institutions and to improve law and order in the country. Talking about his government’s priorities he said terrorism and extremism is the most serious problem faced by the country. He called the militants to shun the path of violence and initiate dialogue with the government.

Price hike and unemployment are other key problems faced by the country, he said. The government would provide jobs to jobless, he said.

The prime minister welcomed the COAS decision of withdrawal of the on duty military officers from the civilian departments adding that it has boosted the prestige of the armed forces.

The Prime Minister announced repealing of the draconian Pemra laws of Nov 3, 2007 adding the Parliamentary Reconciliation Committee recommendations will be introduced.

The prime minister said media would be allowed to witness proceedings of the parliament.

Gillani said he would take along the APDM parties with him adding that all provinces have confidence over his government.

Speaking in the National Assembly after taking vote of confidence, he said maintaining law and order in the country would be the top priority of his government for which terrorism needs to be rooted out.

“We are ready to talk to all those who are ready to lay down their arms and wanted peace,” he said.

He said he would announce a special package for tribal areas to give them employment and to remove their backwardness and other social evils.

The Prime Minister also announced to revoke FCR.

He welcomed the announcement of the Chief of the Army Staff that all army personnel from the civil departments will be called back.

“This announcement by the COAS will enhance the dignity, respect and honour of the army.”

He expressed the hope that all the army personnel from civilian departments will be called back within two weeks.

The Prime Minister said his government will take steps for the restoration of deposed judges. As a first step, these judges have already been freed from detention.

Referring to power, flour and water crises in the country, Prime Minister Gilani said these problems were not easy to tackle. He said there was a possibility of more load shedding in the country during the summer season.

He said to overcome the electricity shortage in the country, which at present stands at 3000 megawatt, new power units will be set up and PEPCO has been asked to issue 10 million energy saver bulbs at discounted prices.

The shortage next year, he added, is expected to reach 4000 MW.

He said in the first phase of Thar Coal Project the electricity generation will be 5,000 mw which will increase to 20,000 mw in the next phase.

He said Wapda has been asked to complete the feasibility of large dams and investment in the project of Keti Bandar will be invited again and lighting on government buildings has been stopped.

To save the wastage of water, he added, canals will be brick lined and small dams constructed to ensure supply of water for irrigation and drinking purposes.

He said the budget of the Prime Minister House will be cut by 40 percent and hoped that other departments too will follow the example.

The cabinet members will not use a vehicle of more than 1600 cc and they will only be allowed Economy Plus class during air travel.

He said like many other democratic countries, during the Question Hour the Prime Minister would also be present in the house to answer questions.

To provide employment to the fresh graduates, Prime Minister announced the setting up of Literacy and Health Commission. It will also ensure employment to one person in a household.

He said a Madrassa Welfare Authority will be set up to carry out the audit of the accounts of all madrassas in the country. The authority will be responsible to ensure that curricula of all madrassas are uniform.

The Prime Minister said that every year one million housing units will be constructed in the country. He also announced the launch of 5-marla housing scheme in rural areas for the poor besides provision of houses on 80 square meters and flats in the cities for the general public.

He said all retiring government servants will be given flats or houses and the provinces have also been directed to launch similar schemes for the retired persons.

SAC-Islamabad Seminar on Student Politics on Sunday

SAC Isb-Rwp is holding a seminar on the students' role in politics -what it has been in the past and what it should be in the future- particularly with reference to the current political context, and why its important to begin a revival of student politics. The most time will be given to Q&A and participation from the floor.

To repeat:

The seminar is on Saturday, 29 March,

Rawalpindi Press Club (next to Liaqat Bagh)

3:00pm.

ML-N, PPP resolve matters relating to ministries

ISLAMABAD: The Muslim League (ML-N) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) have finalized matters relating to the ministries and all appears set for its announcement today.

ML-N and PPP had constituted committee for the distribution of ministries in centre, which continued its deliberations for the last three weeks. Ishaq Dar, Khawaja Asif and Chaudhry Nisar on behalf of the ML-N, while Syed Naveed Qamar, Raza Rabbani, Raja Pervaiz Ashraf, Sherry Rahman, Chaudhry Ahmad Mukhtar and Qamruzzaman Kaira from PPP represented in the committee. The committee agreed on keeping the size of the cabinet small—in the first phase there would be 22 ministries, while in the second phase it could go up to 40.

(Courtesy GEO)

Gillani passes vote of confidence unanimously

Announces new policies, including new anti-terror policies, price relief package, student and trade union legalization, among others

ISLAMABAD: The National Assembly expressed its confidence in Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gillani Saturday by passing a resolution for vote of confidence unanimously.

Earlier Prime Minister Gillani requested the opposition benches to support the motion for vote of confidence. In response Muslim League (Q), Functional League, Peoples Party Sherpao and Muttahida Qaumi Movement announced to support the PM.

Later Asfandyar Wali said that now the vote count is not required and asked the speaker to announce that the house has passed the resolution for vote of confidence.

The speaker announced that the National Assembly has passed the vote of confidence unanimously.

Prime Minister Gillani later in his speech thanked the allied parties and Muslim League (Q), Functional League, Peoples Party Sherpao and Muttahida Qaumi Movement for their support.

In his policy speech after the vote of confidence Prime Minister Gillani promised to take along all sides and work for the best interest of the country.

He vowed to strengthen institutions and to improve law and order in the country. Talking about his government’s priorities he said terrorism and extremism is the most serious problem faced by the country. He called the militants to shun the path of violence and initiate dialogue with the government.

Price hike and unemployment are other key problems faced by the country, he said. The government would provide jobs to jobless, he said. He also announced a lifting of the ban on student and trade unions. He also announced that the restrictions on the media would be reviewed, but stopped short of lifting them immediately.

PM Gilani asks militants to abandon path of violence

ISLAMABAD, March 29 (AFP): Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani Saturday urged militants to renounce violence and offered to hold talks with those who give up arms and join the new democratic era. Addressing the parliament after wining a unanimous vote of confidence, Gilani said terrorism was the biggest threat undermining Pakistan's stability. “Our first priority will be restoration of law and order and elimination of terrorism from the country,” said Gilani.

“The fight against terrorism is our own fight because it has claimed innocent lives of children and young men of Pakistan…unfortunately some people have made violence a means to express their views. I appeal to all those people to abandon the path of violence and join us in the journey of democracy.” Gilani promised a special package of political and economic reforms in tribal areas as part of government strategy to fight terrorism and extremism.

The War on Terror: Another Grisly Tale, still Shrouded in Mystery

- Suspect in 'Lahore FIA blast' dies in custody: Torture, Poisoning... ?

How many people will have to be killed or debilitated or simply 'vanished' in police custody before the War on Terror can be won? That is a question we as a nation need to ask ourselves. If law enforcers insist upon gouging out 'voluminous confessions of truth' even from the depths of bruised entrails, they do nothing but destroy the legitimacy of law. No matter how many esteemed judgest, lawyers and activists rally behind the slogan of rule of law, and no matter how many movies and dramas are made to eulogize the agents of the law, incidents like the one reported below simply destory the foundations of respect for law.

In the eyes of the law, the deceased was no more than a mere suspect, innocent until proven guilty, duly protected from all torture. His life and well-being were no less than law's sacred trust - a trust that has been tragically betrayed. Largely unmourned and unbemoaned remains the violated deceased. Amidst all these tragedies, we do not even have a Mir Anis who may befittingly record the 'marsia of our times' so that we may sit together and weep over it.

Read on. From today's "The Nation".

**************

ASIF CHAUDHRYLAHORE - The mystery surrounding the death of the owner of mini-truck in police custody which, according to the police officials was the only ray of hope, has begun to unwind now. A medical board of Mian Munshi Hospital in its post mortem report ruled that the death was caused by suffocation or strangulation, sources disclosed.

The board which declared the death of the truck driver as caused by strangulation included MS Mian Munshi Hospital, Dr Shafqat Ali who is chairman of the board, senior surgeon Dr Muhammad Khalid, District Health Officer (DHO) Dr Muhammad Ishaq and District Medicolegal Officer (DMLO) Dr Muhammad Tanveer.

Afzal was being interrogated by the Sabzazar Police when he was found dead mysteriously in the police lock up. The police tried to hush up the issue, claiming it was a natural death. However, relatives of the deceased claimed that he was tortured in the police custody that led to his death. Meanwhile, Mian Munshi Hospital’s senior doctor told The Nation seeking anonymity that while examining the body of Muhammad Afzal, the experts found some marks on his throat which revealed that the cause of death was ‘asphyxiation’.To a query, he said that no torture marks were found on any other part of the deceased. The marks on the throat of the deceased has confirmed that he was suffocated to death, he said.The source said that after compiling the initial report, the medical board has sent some parts of stomach, lungs and liver of the deceased for chemical examination to establish presence of any poisonous substance. The source claimed that two members of the medical board expressed their apprehension that the deceased might have been administered poisonous substance before suffocating him to death. After thoroughly discussing this point, the participants agreed to sent some body parts of the deceased for further chemical examination.The dead body of mini truck driver Muhammad Afzal, 25, was shifted to the city morgue for autopsy after he was found dead mysteriously under the custody of Sabzazar Police on last Wednesday.

According to the rules, if a person dies in the police custody, the case is referred to the Medical Board of the Mian Munshi Hospital to establish real cause of the death. His death in police custody is also considered a great loss for the investigators.The post mortem report establishing that he was killed through suffocation would crop up further problems for the police leaders. They will have to address questions that why and how he was killed.It is pertinent to mention here that Muhammad Afzal was arrested by the law enforcement agencies after the Excise and Taxation Department established his ownership of the mini truck used in blowing up the FIA headquarters in the city. He was the only accused so far arrested by the police. Muhammad Afzal was interrogated in various police stations to seek his arrest.

The police handed over the dead body to its relatives on Thursday. It is also learnt that dozens of close relatives, friends and locals held demonstration against the death of youth Muhammad Afzal in the police custody. The protestors placed the dead body of the deceased on the road outside Press Club and chanted slogans against the police.The protestors were carrying placards inscribed with appeal to the prime minister, chief minister Punjab and other high ups to hold inquiry against Afzal’s arrest and his death claiming that he was innocent.

Judiciary's Restoration through Parliament - Justice (R) Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim's Draft

Below is the text of the draft prepared for Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari by Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim for the restoration of the judiciary through the parliament.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF PAKISTAN

WHEREAS, We the elected representatives of the people of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan acknowledge and honor the long and arduous struggle for the return to democracy and rule of law by the legal fraternity, civil society and the ordinary citizens of our beloved country.

AND WHEREAS, We pay tribute to Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and thousands of brave political activists across the country who made the ultimate sacrifice and laid down their lives or suffered imprisonment for the cause of restoration of parliamentary democracy and the rule of law in Pakistan. We shall not let their sacrifices go in vain.

AND WHEREAS, this Assembly is mindful that the foundation of democracy cannot survive without a return to the rule of law. We are mindful, that the rule of law cannot survive the rule of the gun unless we have an independent judiciary. And, we are cognizant that we shall never have an independent judiciary if the Judges of the Superior Court's of this country are imprisoned at the whims of a lone individual.

AND WHEREAS, we as Members of the National Assembly have taken oath to "preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan" and we shall not waiver from this oath.

AND WHEREAS, Article 209(7) of the Constitution provides in no uncertain terms that "A Judge of the Supreme Court of or of a High Court shall not be removed from office except as provided in this article." Therefore, as opined unanimously by leading former Chief Justices and Judges of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, the actions of 3rd November 2007, seeking to remove and restrain the Chief Justices and Judges of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and the Provincial High Courts is void ab initio and has no sanctity in law.

WE, THEREFORE, bound by our Constitutional Oath and the mandate given by the people of Pakistan on February 18, 2008 do hereby RESOLVE and call upon the Federal Government to remove all illegal restrictions placed on the Chief Justices and Judges of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and the provincial High Courts on and after 3
rd November 2007 with immediate effect.

History shall not forgive those, who even now, may seek to obstruct the irreversible path to constitutional rule in our great country.

THEREFORE, WE FURTHER RESOLVE, and call upon the Federal Government to perform its obligation under Article 190 of the Constitution and act in aid of the Chief Justices and the Judges of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and the Provincial High Courts who were illegally restrained on and after 3rd November 2007 so that they may resume their Judicial functions in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.

Islamabad

Dated: [] March 2008

A Chill Ushers in a New Diplomatic Order in Pakistan

By JANE PERLEZ

(The New York Times)

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — If it was not yet clear to Washington that a new political order prevailed here, the three-day visit this week by America's chief diplomat dealing with Pakistan should put any doubt to rest.
The visit by Deputy Secretary of State John D. Negroponte turned out to be series of indignities and chilly, almost hostile, receptions as he bore the brunt of the full range of complaints that Pakistanis now feel freer to air with the end of military rule by Washington's favored ally, President Pervez Musharraf.
Faced with a new democratic lineup that is demanding talks, not force, in the fight against terrorism, Mr. Negroponte publicly swallowed a bitter pill at his final news conference on Thursday, acknowledging that there would now be some real differences in strategy between the United States and Pakistan.
He was upbraided at an American Embassy residence during a reception in his honor by lawyers furious that the Bush administration had refused to support the restoration of the dismissed judiciary by Mr. Musharraf last year.
Mr. Negroponte once told Congress that Mr. Musharraf was an "indispensable" ally, but the diplomat was finally forced to set some distance after months of standing stolidly by his friend. Mr. Musharraf's future, he said, would be settled by Pakistan's new democratic government.
Perhaps the most startling encounter for the 68-year-old career diplomat was the deliberately pointed question by Farrukh Saleem, executive director of the Center for Research and Security Studies, at the reception Wednesday evening.
"How is Pakistan different to Honduras?" Mr. Saleem asked, a query clearly intended to tweak Mr. Negroponte about his time as ambassador to Honduras in the 1980s, when he was in charge of the American effort to train and arm a guerrilla force aimed at overthrowing the leftist government in Nicaragua. He was later criticized for meddling in the region and overlooking human rights abuses in pursuit of United States foreign policy goals.
The diplomat demurred, according to Mr. Saleem, saying, "You have put me on the spot."
Mr. Negroponte had no reply to his next question, either, Mr. Saleem said. "I asked him, 'What do you know about our chief justice that we don't know?' "
That question was meant to reflect, Mr. Saleem recounted afterward, that the Bush administration had refused to recognize the illegality of the firing of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, and that many Pakistanis were angered that the United States had signaled it did not favor the reinstatement of Mr. Chaudhry who, it appeared, was too opposed to Mr. Musharraf for Washington's taste.
Mr. Negroponte and the Bush administration were tone deaf, Mr. Saleem and others said, to the changes in Pakistan, though the message of the tune seemed inescapable.
As they stood on the lawn of a diplomatic residence here in the spring evening, the chairman of the Supreme Court Bar Association, Aitzaz Ahsan, who has led the campaign to restore Mr. Chaudhry, picked up the challenge to Mr. Negroponte.
First, Mr. Ahsan said he told the diplomat, the lawyers were miffed that Mr. Negroponte had not included them on his planned round of meetings. When the lawyers asked for an appointment on Tuesday, they were rebuffed by the American Embassy, Mr. Ahsan said.
Then, Mr. Ahsan, a graduate of Cambridge and one of Pakistan's most talented orators, gave Mr. Negroponte a 10- to 15-minute discourse on why an independent judiciary was important to fight terrorism.
"I told him that the most effective weapon on the war against terror is a people who have enforceable rights — then they have a stake in the system," Mr. Ahsan said of his conversation with Mr. Negroponte.
Mr. Ahsan said he argued that an independent judiciary was "a middle ground" between the military and religious fanatics.
When Mr. Negroponte countered that the new Parliament had pledged to deal with the question of the restoration of the judges within 30 days, Mr. Ahsan said he retorted: "I said you can't build a Parliament on the debris of the judiciary."
In contrast to Mr. Negroponte, a delegation of legislators, led by Rep. John F. Tierney, Democrat of Massachusetts, chairman of the National Security Subcommittee of the House Oversight Committee, visited Mr. Chaudhry at his home on Thursday. They were the first foreigners to see the judge since police barricades were removed Tuesday after four months of house arrest.
"He believes the Parliament has a vote in the next 30 days and the judges will go back to work," Mr. Tierney said after talking to Mr. Chaudhry. "That's his position, and they're sticking with it."
Although he had little to do with the lawyers or the judiciary, Mr. Negroponte, accustomed to seeing a limited circuit of figures, starting with Mr. Musharraf, had to widen his contact list this time.
He met with the leaders of the two main parties in the new coalition government, Nawaz Sharif, and Asif Ali Zardari. They were both in exile for much of Mr. Musharraf's rule. He also met with prime minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, who was an unknown politician until this week, and the speaker of the National Assembly, Dr. Fehmida Mirza.
Mr. Zardari and Mr. Sharif have said they want to change the military approach of Mr. Musharraf toward the extremists, and work toward talks.
At a news conference in Karachi before leaving, Mr. Negroponte said Washington could work with the new government, but drew the line at negotiations with extremists. "Security measures are obviously necessary when one is dealing with irreconcilable elements who want to destroy our very way of life," he said. "I don't see how you can talk with those kinds of people."
There was some hope, however, he said, of working with "reconcilable elements" who "can be persuaded to participate in the democratic political process."
In a marked change of tone from the Musharraf era, the new prime minister, Mr. Gilani, said after meeting Mr. Negroponte on Wednesday that Parliament was now the supreme decision-making body. Pakistan supported its long alliance with the United States, but the fight against terrorism would be discussed in the legislature, he said.
Mr. Negroponte's visit was generally poorly received. Coming in the week that the government was still being formed — a cabinet has yet to be announced — it was widely interpreted as an act of interference, a last effort to prop up a vastly weakened Mr. Musharraf. One television commentator called the visit "crude diplomacy."
Others said Mr. Negroponte did not understand that Mr. Musharraf was a disappearing figure, isolated and with little power. One of his last loyal aides, Attorney General Malik Mohammad Qayyum, resigned Thursday.
By the end of his trip, Mr. Negroponte indicated that perhaps Mr. Musharraf's usefulness to Washington had diminished. The future of Mr. Musharraf was up to the Pakistanis. "Any debate or any disposition as regards his status will have to be addressed by the internal Pakistani political process," he said.

IPSS Discussion: The feeling of Sindh, 5pm Saturday, 5 Zaman Park - Nehrghar

Institute for Peace & Secular Studies (IPSS) invites you to a Discussion On

The feeling of Sindh

(A Sindhi Nationalist's interpretation of the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, leadership change in PPP, recent elections and expectations from the current coalition government in the context of provincial autonomy)

With
Abdul Khaliq Junejo
(Chairman Jeay Sindh Mahaz)

Date: Saturday 29th March
Time: 5pm SHARP
Venue: Nehrghar – 5 Zaman Park

Abdul Khaliq Junejo is the chairman of Jeay Singh Mahaz (JSM) and contributing writer to various newspapers & magazines. He joined JSM in 1972 under the leadership of G. M. Syed. He has been involved in politics since his student days at the Sindh Engineering University where he completed his Bachelors and later his LLB. He hails from Qazi Daro, a small town near the ancient ruins of the Indus Civilization at MohenjoDaro in the district of Larkana.

Directions: Nehrghar - 5 Zaman ParkOn the canal, cross the mall road and take the 1st left at the Zaman Park sign. Take an immediate right on the side lane. 2nd gate on the left.

Institute for Peace and Secular Studies (IPSS) is a community supported voluntary effort focused on the people's agenda. IPSS strives to highlight and promote discourses for the attainment of a peaceful society. 91 G, Johar Town. 0300.844.5072

IJT Nazim expelled in wake of thrashing of PhD students

By Mansoor Malik

LAHORE, March 26: The Punjab University on Wednesday expelled an IJT nazim and rusticated another activist for one year on the charges of beating up university students in the presence of the vice-chancellor two weeks ago.

The PU Disciplinary Committee has expelled Institute of Geology's student Usman Ashraf and imposed a fine of Rs5,000 on him. It rusticated Abdullah Munir Leghari, of the same department, for one year.
PU Disciplinary Committee head Prof Dr Iftikhar Husain Baloch said the committee had heard both parties and seen the available evidence on Monday.Prof Baloch, who is also principal of the varsity's College of Earth and Environmental Sciences, said the committee had finally decided to expel one student and rusticate the other for one year.
He said Usman Ashraf was IJT's professional zone nazim and son of an Islamic Studies teacher, Mr Ashraf, teaching at a college in Gujrat. Abdullah Munir Leghari is a son of a shepherd in Dera Ghazi Khan.
Both the students were charged with thrashing three PhD students -- Haroon Riaz, Amir Jalal and Muhammad Sajjal who were distributing fliers to promote independent judiciary outside the university’s Jamia Masjid following Juma prayers on March 14.