NEW YORK ( NYLJ) Nov. 14, 2007 - About 700 lawyers rallied yesterday afternoon in front of state Supreme Court in Manhattan to show support for lawyers and judges in Pakistan battling for the restoration of the rule of law. Addressing the throng that poured down the courthouse steps and spilled onto the sidewalk, Barry Kamins, president of the New York City Bar Association, said the rally was called "to embolden" the Pakistani lawyers and judges who have been "physically manning barricades and trying to face down an entire army." Kathryn Madigan, president of the New York State Bar Association, also called for lawyers to speak "with one voice in defense of the rule of law" in Pakistan. And Catherine Christian, president of the New York County Lawyers' Association, said Pakistani lawyers "are showing the world what it means to be a lawyer - fighting for liberty and an independent legal system."
Friday, November 16, 2007
Teach-in in Karachi Lyceum
The activism continues, adding a new element – 'teach-ins'. Activist Naeem Sadiq and Sahar Shafaat (a political science professor based in the U.S., currently in Karachi) went to Lyceum Karachi today to give a lecture on the current situation in Pakistan. They spoke to about 30 A Levels students, focusing on the disparities in Pakistan, and what can be done about them. "The lecture made a very clear suggestion that students engage in peaceful protest as a way of resisting martial law."
Update on Abida Hussain
Elections under Emergency
New Caretaker Setup..
Some clarifications..
The LUMS Student Movement asserts that it appears that the article is based on sources which have either ingeniously or ingenuously misrepresented events. All that is clear that the facts of the matter have been completely twisted, as represented in the article. Muhtarma's Benazir Bhutto's invitation for a conference with representatives of the LUMS students movement was not at all brought to the LUMS campus by any US journalists. The invitation was, in fact, brought to our students through a PPP party worker who is related to one of the student protestors at LUMS. Furthermore, the meeting with Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto was not in fact canceled on any pretext such as the final exam of the students, nor did "LUMS students refuse to meet BB". That is a gross misrepresentation of the real facts. The meeting was actually called off by the PPP itself, as it could not be fitted into the schedule for Monday night. The reason that LUMS students gave for not being able to accept the invitation at a future date was that not having a coherent student leader structure, through which nominated representatives of the student body can hold meetings with individuals or groups on behalf of the rest of the student body, it was in fact not in the power of any participant to accept the Muhtarma's invitation on behalf of the student body. However, LUMS students certainly desire an opportunity to intellectually interact with a prominent political figure of Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto's stature and would be honoured if she would accept their invitation to visit LUMS and address the student body as a whole as a guest of the Law and Politics Society of LUMS, which has organised similar seminars in the past.
The purpose of our student movement is solely to rally around particular issues or principles and increase awareness of Pakistan's socio-political realities in the student community and society at large.
Non-partisan nature of LUMS Student Movement
In response to speculation about whether LUMS students have been mobilized for protest under Mr. Imran Khan's influence, we would say that our 'mobilization' has more to do with the educational environment of our university (for our curriculum concentrates on intensive analysis of Pakistan's socio-political and legal problems and their potential solutions), than the rallying call of any political leader. We applaud Tehreek-i Insaaf's consistent and uncompromising opposition to the imposition of emergency rule and destruction of judicial autonomy.However, Mr. Imran Khan's presence at a seminar in our university, at the time of emergency rule being imposed in our country, is little more than an interesting and dramatic coincidence. The media should not interpret this as a sign that LUMS student have been mobilized through the influence of Mr. Imran Khan's directives. LUMS students have independently and spontaneously mobilized themselves due to our negative reaction to the government's treatment of national intelligentsia, the legal community and the media. and their blatant manipulation and interference in a vital pillar of state - the judiciary. Furthermore, the LUMS student movement is a non-partisan civil society intiative aiming to make a unified stand against emergency rule together with youth across Pakistan, rather then affiliating themselves with any political party per se.
Imran Khan charged under Anti-Terror Laws
(Courtesy DAWN)
Lahore, Nov 15: Pakistan cricket legend Imran Khan was moved overnight to Kot Lakhpat jail, Lahore's biggest prison early Thursday after being charged under anti-terror laws, officials said. Lahore police chief Malik Mohammad Iqbal told AFP Imran Khan was charged late Wednesday and moved overnight to Kot Lakhpat jail.
4000 Punjab University Students Protest
(Courtesy DAWN)
Lahore, Thursday: About 4,000 students rallied at Lahore’s Punjab University Thursday, a day after Imran Khan was seized there by Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT) activists and turned over to police Wednesday. The flag-waving protesters chanted “We love you Imran Khan” and shouted slogans against the IJT - the student wing of the Jamaat-i-Islami party. “Our protest is against the high handedness of IJT and the police. We have gathered to express solidarity with Imran Khan, he is our national hero,” demonstrator Sarida Asghar told AFP.
Eyewitness account of Aabpara, Islamabad Protest
Another Sad Day for Pakistan - 2 boys killed..
KARACHI (Reuters) - Two Pakistani boys were killed on Thursday when police and gunmen exchanged fire in Karachi during protests by supporters of opposition leader Benazir Bhutto, police said."Two children have been killed in firing by unidentified men in the Lyari area," said senior city police official Fayyaz Khan, referring to an impoverished city neighborhood well known as a Bhutto stronghold. The firing occurred as police chased small groups of young men protesting over President Pervez Musharraf's imposition of a state of emergency on November 3, he said.
Rashid Rehman visits LUMS
Some Clarifications..
With regard to the article "LUMS students refuse to meet BB", whichappeared in the News International's Tuesday, November 13th edition.
The LUMS Student Movement asserts that it appears that the article isbased on sources which have either ingeniously or ingenuouslymisrepresented events. All that is clear that the facts of the matterhave been completely twisted, as represented in the article. Muhtarma's Benazir Bhutto's invitation for a conference withrepresentatives of the LUMS students movement was not at all broughtto the LUMS campus by any US journalists. In fact, no US journalisthas even visited the campus in recent memory. The invitation was, in fact, brought to our students through a PPP party worker who isrelated to one of the student protestors at LUMS. Furthermore, themeeting with Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto was not in fact canceled on anypretext such as the final exam of the students, nor did "LUMS students refuse to meet BB". That is a gross misrepresentation of the realfacts. The meeting was actually called off by the PPP itself, as itcould not be fitted into the schedule for Monday night. The reasonthat LUMS students gave for not being able to accept the invitation at a future date was that not having a student leader structure, throughwhich nominated representatives of the student body can hold meetingswith individuals or groups on behalf of the rest of the student body,it was in fact not in the power of any participant to accept theMuhtarma's invitation on behalf of the student body. However, LUMSstudents certainly desire an opportunity to interact with a prominentpolitical figure of Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto's stature and would be honoured if she would accept their invitation to visit LUMS andaddress the student body as a whole as a guest of the Law and PoliticsSociety of LUMS, which has organised similar seminars in the past.
Press Release of the LUMS Student movement
As our movement gains in strength, support, momentum and therefore,media attention, the students of the protest movement at the Lahore University of Management Sciences would like to clarify our position on a number of points.
Our movement is fundamentally a non-partisan, civil society movement which was begun by students last week as a spontaneous reaction against the imposition of a state of emergency in our country. We are united in a clear and principled commitment to the reinstatement ofthe judiciary and the restoration of the Constitution and of basic civil rights, the release of illegally detained prisoners and an end to preposterous curbs on the media. Our aim is to uphold and defend the autonomy of the judiciary in Pakistan. As we increase communication with students from other educational institutions in thecountry, we are confident and hopeful that we can all unite behind a particular principle - the critical necessity of the sovereignty of the judiciary for sustainable political and social development in Pakistan.
With regard to recent invitations to meetings with prominent political figures, we would like to assert that our student movement is a civils ociety initiative which is completely non-partisan, having no affiliation with any political party and no future ambition of forming one. Nor have our actions in any way been in accordance with the directives or motivation of any political leader. The participants of our studentmovement are all private individuals, with a diverse range of personal political leanings. As we have no student leaders who are invested with the right of representing the political leanings of a particular group of students, it is not within the power of any participant of our movement to accept an invitation to meet with representatives of political parties on behalf of other students.
We would like to stress that anyone from the student movement who engages in a 'dialogue' or interaction with political parties, their agents or their student wings, does so solely in her/his personal capacity and does not, by any means, represent the student body of LUMS or the student community at large.
The purpose of our student movement is solely to rally around particular issues or principles and increase awareness of Pakistan's socio-political realities in the student body. However, as university students, we are always very eager to widen our horizons and meet with different political figures. Our Law and Politics Society (LPS) frequently invites eminent personalities of politics, academia, the social sector and the media, and arranges seminars as an opportunity for the student body to intellectually engage with these individuals and benefit from their knowledge and experience. In the recent past,we have hosted such prominent figures as Mr. Talat Hussein (of Aaj TV), Mr. Imran Khan and Justice Jawad Khwaja. In the coming months before the elections, the Law and Politics Society plans to invite leading figures from major political parties to talk to our student body about their manifestos and ideas for Pakistan's development. Some politicians, such as Mr. Imran Khan, with whom we have had the opportunity to interact, have already been invited for a seminar prior to the elections.
As far as the recent invitation by Muhtarma Benazir Bhutto is concerned, while it is not within the power of any individual or group of students to accept the invitation on behalf of the student movement, it would be a pleasure for our Law and Politics Society to host the Muhtarma as a guest speaker at a seminar with the entire student body, should our invitation be accepted.
With regard to the comment from Mr. Muhammad Islam of the Islami Jamiat-e Tuleba:-"Muhammad Islam said IJT would launch a massive awareness campaignamong students to mobilize them against the state of emergency in thecountry. He informed that the Islami Jamiat-e Tuleba was in contactwith students of other universities including LUMS and FAST-NU."(Students invoke black, week, armbands to protest. Khalid Khattak, The News International)
We would like to clarify that there have been no dealings between the student movement at our university and the Islami Jamiat-e Tuleba in an official capacity. We cannot, of course, comment on the activities of any private individual from our university, who has engaged withthe IJT in a purely personal capacity.
Thursday, November 15, 2007
Protest today at NCA
Today a peaceful protest demonstration was held in the National College of Arts organized by the student body of the campus. Around 150 students participated in this peaceful protest. They were holding placards and banners on which different anti-martial law slogans were written, condemning the arrest of the students, lawyers, Human Rights activists and all others arrested after the proclamation of martial law (Emergency).
A large section of the faculty members were present in this protest, side by side with the protesting students. Differents speakers gave their speeches including the faculty members. They condemned the imposition of Martial law, suspention and house arrests of the senior judiciary, suspension of our basic rights, arrest of civil society members, lawyers, human rights activists, including Salima Hashmi, our ex-principal, and demanded that free and fair elections under an impartial election commission should be held as soon as possible and the restoration of 1973 Constitution.
This protest continued for 1 hour. It was the first protest held in the NCA after the proclamation of emergency even though we had been active since the first day and had been discussing this matter on a daily basis. We have decided to organize such protest meetings daily.In the end, I would like to convey a message from the student society of the NCA to all the active student community members, especially those from LUMS, that we are with you, we should unite together and raise our voice till the restoration of democracy and Basic rights in
Student Mobilization Against The Emergency
Students are often the vanguard of social movements that seek to overthrow repressive and authoritarian regimes. In the current crisis in Pakistan—the imposition of Emergency rule (read Martial Law) by General Pervez Musharraf—students across a number of campuses have awakened, organized, rallied, and have made their opposition felt.. Although a nascent movement, the students’ systematic and consistent efforts and the level of domestic and international press coverage they have received have made both the military junta and other mainstream opposition parties sit up and take note.
The mainstay of the student political activity has been at a number of private universities located in Lahore and Islamabad. At the forefront has been Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), the premiere business and social science institution in the country. Other centers have been FAST-National University of Computer and Emerging Sciences, Beaconhouse National University, Islamia College and Hamdard University. Student political activity has also been mobilized in a number of public sector universities including Quaid-I-Azam University in Islamabad, Punjab University and the Government Science College. Most of the political activity has been campus based and has consisted of rallies denouncing Emergency rule and demanding the restoration of the constitution and pre-November 3rd status quo vis-Ã -vis the judiciary. Rallies have been accompanied by speeches of student, faculty and key activists; resounding singsongs; sit-ins; hunger strikes; as well as the establishment of an underground paper, The Emergency Times (http://pakistanmartiallaw.blogspot.com/). Students have come out in support of lawyers and journalists and have joined independent rallies held by these groups. Most spectacular, and perhaps not unexpectedly in this media and technological savvy age, has been the international coverage these student protests have received. A combination of YouTube, e-news, digital cameras and the internet have allowed the news of student activities to gain international attention (coverage in CNN, ABC, New York Times etc.) despite all attempts by the government to clamp down.
These student protests have hit the political nerve of the establishment. Political activities on campuses have been non-existent since the early 1980s, when the last military dictator who ruled Pakistan, Zia-ul-Haq clamped down on campuses. Nothing compares to the student mobilization during the General Ayub’s period in the 1960s when the movement contributed directly to the downfall of that military regime. A lot is made of who these students are and what they represent. The fact is that the core of these protests is happening at private universities which are attended by the upper middle and middle class of Pakistan. Students at these institutions are linked with the establishment and other elements of the elite. What does this mobilization indicate? Is this a generational rebellion against authoritarian figures or a more fundamental reflection of the malaise that permeates among this group regarding the current political status quo? As a Dawn editorial on the 11/11/2007 noted these “Poster-children of Pervez Musharraf’s enlightened moderation…were least expected to speak up against his policies”. Interestingly, the students are not fighting General Musharraf’s policies per se. Leading up the Emergency, there has been little if any debate among students on the war on terror, the policy in Baluchistan or the detention of individuals by security agencies. What has mobilized the students is the dismantling of the basic institutions of the state.
Yet these are the very young people who have most benefited from the rapid consumerism and the leniency of cultural norms that have blossomed under the Musharraf era. The opportunities to rebel against authoritarian structures are constant, and the judicial activism earlier this year provided an impetus which few students took up. The current protests suggest that this time Pervez Musharraf has gone too far and these protests reflect a genuine anger at his political manipulations and the establishment of the Emergency.
Projections in the international media of young men and women dressed in western clothes marching together and carrying banners have had another affect on international perceptions. In effect, it has allowed the middle and upper middle classes to claim back space from the images that otherwise permeate the international media of the “Talibization” of Pakistan-- the bearded mullahs and the habitually covered women who walk ten steps behind and have no voice of any kind. It suggests that there are other political actors who are in the Pakistani mainstream—young men and women who are articulate, passionate and concerned about the de-institutionalization of their political and economic institutions and are willing to stand up to the systematic usurpation of political and economic power by the military. Moreover, at a time when human right activists, lawyers, educators and other members of civil society actors are being rounded up and arrested, the burgeoning student movement gives hope that this group can form the bulwark of the opposition against the Musharraf regime.
How viable is this? It is too early to tell. Only nine days have passed since the Emergency was declared and within that time these students have managed to achieve a phenomenal amount, specially if you consider the non-existent political organization on these campuses prior too 3/11/2007. Students have kept to a limited remit, protesting on campuses, in order to ensure that they are around to protest another day. Rules that limited the state’s access to private campuses prior to the Emergency no longer apply under the police state that currently exists. There is little guarantee that the violence extended to other opposition members of civil society will not be vented on these students within their own campuses. There are issues of organizational structure and sustainability. Should protesting students, who for the most part have been non-political, align themselves to existing mainstream parties to take advantage of their organizational depth and experience? Should these students take positions regarding the existing opposition parties? How strong is their organizational capacity to sustain long-term protest? Is there a need for a supra-student structure to manage this country-wide protest? These issues are only beginning to challenge these inexperienced political protesters and decisions on these issues will determine their long term viability and their ability to sustain opposition. For now, those who watch salute their actions and have faith that the best of this country’s human capital will meet these challenges with intelligence, sound strategy and bravery to ensure a sustained assault again the Emergency.
Protest today at NCA
Today a peaceful protest demonstration was held in the National College of Arts organized by the student body of the campus. Around 150 students participated in this peaceful protest. They were holding placards and banners on which different anti-martial law slogans were written, condemning the arrest of the students, lawyers, Human Rights activists and all others arrested after the proclamation of martial law (Emergency).
A large section of the faculty members were present in this protest, side by side with the protesting students. Differents speakers gave their speeches including the faculty members. They condemned the imposition of Martial law, suspention and house arrests of the senior judiciary, suspension of our basic rights, arrest of civil society members, lawyers, human rights activists, including Salima Hashmi, our ex-principal, and demanded that free and fair elections under an impartial election commission should be held as soon as possible and the restoration of 1973 Constitution.
This protest continued for 1 hour. It was the first protest held in the NCA after the proclamation of emergency even though we had been active since the first day and had been discussing this matter on a daily basis. We have decided to organize such protest meetings daily.
In the end, I would like to convey a message from the student society of the NCA to all the active student community members, especially those from LUMS, that we are with you, we should unite together and raise our voice till the restoration of democracy and Basic rights in Pakistan is complete.
Student Mobilization Against The Emergency
Students are often the vanguard of social movements that seek to overthrow repressive and authoritarian regimes. In the current crisis in Pakistan—the imposition of Emergency rule (read Martial Law) by General Pervez Musharraf—students across a number of campuses have awakened, organized, rallied, and have made their opposition felt.. Although a nascent movement, the students’ systematic and consistent efforts and the level of domestic and international press coverage they have received have made both the military junta and other mainstream opposition parties sit up and take note.
The mainstay of the student political activity has been at a number of private universities located in Lahore and Islamabad. At the forefront has been Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), the premiere business and social science institution in the country. Other centers have been FAST-National University of Computer and Emerging Sciences, Beaconhouse National University, Islamia College and Hamdard University. Student political activity has also been mobilized in a number of public sector universities including Quaid-I-Azam University in Islamabad, Punjab University and the Government Science College. Most of the political activity has been campus based and has consisted of rallies denouncing Emergency rule and demanding the restoration of the constitution and pre-November 3rd status quo vis-Ã -vis the judiciary. Rallies have been accompanied by speeches of student, faculty and key activists; resounding singsongs; sit-ins; hunger strikes; as well as the establishment of an underground paper, The Emergency Times (http://pakistanmartiallaw.blogspot.com/). Students have come out in support of lawyers and journalists and have joined independent rallies held by these groups. Most spectacular, and perhaps not unexpectedly in this media and technological savvy age, has been the international coverage these student protests have received. A combination of YouTube, e-news, digital cameras and the internet have allowed the news of student activities to gain international attention (coverage in CNN, ABC, New York Times etc.) despite all attempts by the government to clamp down.
These student protests have hit the political nerve of the establishment. Political activities on campuses have been non-existent since the early 1980s, when the last military dictator who ruled Pakistan, Zia-ul-Haq clamped down on campuses. Nothing compares to the student mobilization during the General Ayub’s period in the 1960s when the movement contributed directly to the downfall of that military regime. A lot is made of who these students are and what they represent. The fact is that the core of these protests is happening at private universities which are attended by the upper middle and middle class of Pakistan. Students at these institutions are linked with the establishment and other elements of the elite. What does this mobilization indicate? Is this a generational rebellion against authoritarian figures or a more fundamental reflection of the malaise that permeates among this group regarding the current political status quo? As a Dawn editorial on the 11/11/2007 noted these “Poster-children of Pervez Musharraf’s enlightened moderation…were least expected to speak up against his policies”. Interestingly, the students are not fighting General Musharraf’s policies per se. Leading up the Emergency, there has been little if any debate among students on the war on terror, the policy in Baluchistan or the detention of individuals by security agencies. What has mobilized the students is the dismantling of the basic institutions of the state.
Yet these are the very young people who have most benefited from the rapid consumerism and the leniency of cultural norms that have blossomed under the Musharraf era. The opportunities to rebel against authoritarian structures are constant, and the judicial activism earlier this year provided an impetus which few students took up. The current protests suggest that this time Pervez Musharraf has gone too far and these protests reflect a genuine anger at his political manipulations and the establishment of the Emergency.
Projections in the international media of young men and women dressed in western clothes marching together and carrying banners have had another affect on international perceptions. In effect, it has allowed the middle and upper middle classes to claim back space from the images that otherwise permeate the international media of the “Talibization” of Pakistan-- the bearded mullahs and the habitually covered women who walk ten steps behind and have no voice of any kind. It suggests that there are other political actors who are in the Pakistani mainstream—young men and women who are articulate, passionate and concerned about the de-institutionalization of their political and economic institutions and are willing to stand up to the systematic usurpation of political and economic power by the military. Moreover, at a time when human right activists, lawyers, educators and other members of civil society actors are being rounded up and arrested, the burgeoning student movement gives hope that this group can form the bulwark of the opposition against the Musharraf regime.
How viable is this? It is too early to tell. Only nine days have passed since the Emergency was declared and within that time these students have managed to achieve a phenomenal amount, specially if you consider the non-existent political organization on these campuses prior too 3/11/2007. Students have kept to a limited remit, protesting on campuses, in order to ensure that they are around to protest another day. Rules that limited the state’s access to private campuses prior to the Emergency no longer apply under the police state that currently exists. There is little guarantee that the violence extended to other opposition members of civil society will not be vented on these students within their own campuses. There are issues of organizational structure and sustainability. Should protesting students, who for the most part have been non-political, align themselves to existing mainstream parties to take advantage of their organizational depth and experience? Should these students take positions regarding the existing opposition parties? How strong is their organizational capacity to sustain long-term protest? Is there a need for a supra-student structure to manage this country-wide protest? These issues are only beginning to challenge these inexperienced political protesters and decisions on these issues will determine their long term viability and their ability to sustain opposition. For now, those who watch salute their actions and have faith that the best of this country’s human capital will meet these challenges with intelligence, sound strategy and bravery to ensure a sustained assault again the Emergency.
LUMS Students Condemn the Actions of the IJT in Punjab University
Student Protesters in LUMS are disturbed to see the turn of events at the Punjab University today. We do not think that the way some peopleat the campus behaved is worthy of educated university students. Violence of any form in student movements is abhorrent and students all over the country should unite to protest emergency rule in a peaceful manner. If students use violence against security forces, public property and rival organisations, what difference remains between their conduct and the violent and uncivilized manner in which police forces are quelling protesters? A non-violent, civilized code of conduct should apply to all students, protesting anywhere in the country, even those groups of students who espouse particular political ideals or form student wings of specific political parties. In this respect, we condemn the violent actions of the Islami Jamiat-e-Tuleba today and appeal to their members and all other students in Pakistan to avoid resorting to uncivilised conduct, such as using brute force to intimidate perceived rivals and burning tires, smashing windows or damaging public property. Students should express their opinions and conduct their dealings in more humane, peaceful ways. Members of the LUMS Student Movement condemn the unwarranted and illegal arrest of Mr. Imran Khan and express disappointment at the role the IJT has played in it.
Message from Asma Jahangir
I am really proud of our youth especially students of LUMS who have been active while we are kept in illegal captivity. Please let them know that I am with them. I can not help them in person. If they need any contact emails let me know.
Regards.
Asma Jahangir
Wednesday, November 14, 2007
Politicians vs. Military Dictators
It isn’t entirely surprising that people in Pakistan should be questioning the role and the utility of politicians in the governance process. Their record has been sullied, to say the least, for except for Bhutto Senior’s 7 years, they have presided over Pakistan during its most unstable times – 1947-58 and 1988-99. Beyond the memory of these ineffective periods of rule, however, this argument against politicians is entirely superficial, stands on extremely shaky ground, and is the trademark of those who find thinking an extremely arduous and unnecessary task. Here’s why.
First, I would be more than willing to give this argument some tiny measure of credit, were it not for the answer to some simple questions: who does Musharraf have with him? Who is sitting in his puppet Parliament? Who forms the crux of his support in the PML-Q? The simple answer – politicians. If Musharraf were governing alone, as a one-man legislature (not to say he does not come dangerously close to looking like that at most times, given that so much of the Parliament’s work has happened through ordinances in the last 8 years), one may be able to adopt a “general vs. politician” stance. But given that he entrenched himself and his authority through the creation of a “king’s party”, the PML-Q (made up of politicians), and is the President with a Prime Minister and a full Parliament, it is entirely unintelligent to argue that we are at present living without politicians. Therefore, if your worry, at any level, regards what it would mean to have to deal with politicians once again should elections be held or a democratic process initiated, you shouldn’t be too worried because you have been dealing with them since the 2002 election. In fact, you have been dealing with the worst of them – a type of politician who saw it only right to change political parties to maintain personal power, and who saw no issues in selling his/her soul to the devil for a shot at a good ministerial position. Current politicians of the PML-Q abandoned their parties and their principles by the dozens and were in turn rewarded by Musharraf, our one great hope for the cleaning up of politics in this country, through the creation of what is apparently the largest cabinet in the world. It makes sense. If there are so many politicians cutting deals, you might as well have as many ministerial positions as possible to use as awards. So if it’s politicians you are worried about, they have been with us, alive and thriving, for the last 5 years.
Second, and as Musharraf has obviously realised, what would you do without politicians? It is entirely easy to dismiss politicians as an unnecessary complication in the process of governance. But really, how does governance happen without them? By saying that we are unwilling to return to the era of politicians, are we saying that we have in mind a form of governance that does not require the popular, political mandate, that has no need for a parliament (for parliament is, by definition, made up of politicians), and whose entire legislative process (for the politically naive, the process of coming up with laws for the country) is based around one man? We might as well go on then to argue that we should introduce to the world an alternate governance process in which each new Chief of Army Staff automatically becomes the legislature until death do us part. We should also clarify that we feel no real reason to ever have to waste time in ascertaining popular will, and that we have no particular need for being counted in the process of governing a country. We might as well argue for the restoration of a monarchy, or better still, a much closer memory, for a return to colonial rule, under which no one had to bother with trying to determine the difference between a citizen and a subject. This isn’t a far-fetched notion in any sense of the word, for as long as one talks of independence, a constitution and a Parliament, one has to talk of politicians.
This brings us to the third point. Our major worry about politicians is essentially with respect to two particular politicians – Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. Therefore, our vision of governance in Pakistan is that of a boxing ring, in one corner of which stands Musharraf, and in the other stand Bhutto and Sharif, sometimes holding hands, at other times pushing each other around, and at yet others simply tossing each other over the ropes. Our job as spectators is to choose one side over the other, without ever bothering with the dimensions and construction of the ring, or even with the rules of the game. Our worry is simply the personalities and not the processes that define the parameters of the game. That is why we are able to say which personality/politician/ruler we prefer over another, without sparing a minute to place those people within any framework defined by an ideology, or even a larger process.
The point is simple. If Bhutto or Sharif come to power within a system that has changed little since the last time they were in power, our condemnation for that system need be only slightly less severe than it is for martial law. This is because the system would still be defined by instability, by the need of politicians to dance to the tunes of the army, and by imperatives that require that everyone except the voting populace be kept happy at all costs. Under such a system, our greatest worry would continue to be the army and its complete control over our lives. This debate, therefore, has little to do with personalities or with whether we prefer politicians over military rulers, and has everything to do with the process and form of governance we want to live under as independent, self-respecting citizens of Pakistan.
